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By examining the relationship between the notaires, members of a significant French legal profession with deep roots in French history, and the state, Ezra Suleiman demonstrates that clientelism exists and may be more dangerous in a centralized state than in a decentralized one.Originally published in 1988.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Your purchase helps support Sri Lankan Children's Charity 'The Rainbow Centre'. Ex-library, so some stamps and wear, but in good overall condition. Our donations to The Rainbow Centre have helped provide an education and a safe haven to hundreds of children who live in appalling conditions.

Why did the main challenge to the Ottoman state come not in peasant or elite rebellions, but in endemic banditry? Karen Barkey shows how Turkish strategies of incorporating peasants and rotating elites kept both groups dependent on the state, unable and unwilling to rebel. Bandits, formerly mercenary soldiers, were not interested in rebellion but concentrated on trying to gain state resources, more as rogue clients than as primitive rebels. The state's ability to control and manipulate bandits―through deals, bargains and patronage―suggests imperial strength rather than weakness, she maintains. Bandits and Bureaucrats details, in a rich, archivally based analysis, state-society relations in the Ottoman empire during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Exploring current eurocentric theories of state building, the author illuminates a period often mischaracterized as one in which the state declined in power. Outlining the processes of imperial rule, Barkey relates the state political and military institutions to their socal foundations. She compares the Ottoman route with state centralization in the Chinese and Russian empires, and contrasts experiences of rebellion in France during the same period. Bandits and Bureaucrats thus develops a theoretical interpretation of imperial state centralization through incorporation and bargaining with social groups, and at the same time enriches our understanding of the dynamics of Ottoman history.

The introduction of absolutism in France has conventionally been seen as a process of centralization imposed from the top down. The Crown, the chancellor, the principal ministers, and the secretaries of state are all supposed to have worked in concert to break the power of the nobles and governors, abolish local Estates, and even intervene in the selection of municipal councillors. The fiscal and institutional development of the province of Dauphiné, however, suggests a very different absolutist dynamic. While it is clear that the Crown wanted to standardize and, when possible, centralize the institutions of the province, it is equally clear that , from the 1540s on, certain groups anxious for provincial tax reform actively encouraged royal intervention. Daniel Hickey analyses the individuals and groups that directed each stage of the struggle for tax reform: rural villagers, the élite of the ten major cities, lawyers and legal groups, and new and old nobles. Each group expressed itself through the means available to it: peasant revolt, courtroom hearings, local village meetings, or lobbying at court. The social alliances made during the struggle were temporary in nature and often united groups that would normally have been opposed to each other. But they were effective. Hickey identifies two major results of this social movement: the Crown was able to take major steps towards integrating Dauphiné into the kingdom, and the province's fiscal structure underwent a major reform.

Shereshevsky's masterful guide to endgame play is an essential work for every aspiring player. Using classic examples from grandmaster practice, together with modern illustrations and instructive games by lesser-known players, Shereshevsky lucidly explains the basic principles of the endgame: king centralization, the role of pawns, exchanging pieces, suppressing counterplay, two weaknesses, and much more.

Remington profiles the Bolshevik project of social transformation and political centralization known as War Communism. He argues that the effort to institute a centrally planned and administered economy shapedthe ideology of the regime, the relations between the regime and the working class, and the character of state power.

The introduction of absolutism in France has conventionally been seen as a process of centralization imposed from the top down. The Crown, the chancellor, the principal ministers, and the secretaries of state are all supposed to have worked in concert to break the power of the nobles and governors, abolish local Estates, and even intervene in the selection of municipal councillors. The fiscal and institutional development of the province of Dauphiné, however, suggests a very different absolutist dynamic. While it is clear that the Crown wanted to standardize and, when possible, centralize the institutions of the province, it is equally clear that , from the 1540s on, certain groups anxious for provincial tax reform actively encouraged royal intervention. Daniel Hickey analyses the individuals and groups that directed each stage of the struggle for tax reform: rural villagers, the élite of the ten major cities, lawyers and legal groups, and new and old nobles. Each group expressed itself through the means available to it: peasant revolt, courtroom hearings, local village meetings, or lobbying at court. The social alliances made during the struggle were temporary in nature and often united groups that would normally have been opposed to each other. But they were effective. Hickey identifies two major results of this social movement: the Crown was able to take major steps towards integrating Dauphiné into the kingdom, and the province's fiscal structure underwent a major reform.

How did the ancient Maya rule their world? Despite more than a century of archaeological investigation and glyphic decipherment, the nature of Maya political organization and political geography has remained an open question. Many debates have raged over models of centralization versus decentralization, superordinate and subordinate status—with far-flung analogies to emerging states in Europe, Asia, and Africa. But Prudence Rice asserts that neither the model of two giant "superpowers" nor that which postulates scores of small, weakly independent polities fits the accumulating body of material and cultural evidence.In this groundbreaking book, Rice builds a new model of Classic lowland Maya (AD 179-948) political organization and political geography. Using the method of direct historical analogy, she integrates ethnohistoric and ethnographic knowledge of the Colonial-period and modern Maya with archaeological, epigraphic, and iconographic data from the ancient Maya. On this basis of cultural continuity, she constructs a convincing case that the fundamental ordering principles of Classic Maya geopolitical organization were the calendar (specifically a 256-year cycle of time known as the may) and the concept of quadripartition, or the division of the cosmos into four cardinal directions. Rice also examines this new model of geopolitical organization in the Preclassic and Postclassic periods and demonstrates that it offers fresh insights into the nature of rulership, ballgame ritual, and warfare among the Classic lowland Maya.

Excerpt from Tomorrow a New World: The New Deal Community ProgramIndustrialization, centralization, and urbanization created a new society that was alien to the liberal and individualistic tradition. Concentrations of people, wealth, and power made necessary new limitations on individual freedom. A new class, the unpropertied proletariat, became large enough to be politically important. The very existence of the new society had partially depended upon governmental privileges - ou corporate rights, franchises, land grants, and tarifis. Ideas such as free enterprise, private property, equality of opportunity, and competition became almost meaningless to many men, even though completely accepted. At the same time those ideas became crutches for the use of a privileged few. The purists saw this and fought back. They wanted to return to decentralization in govern ment and in the economy, to equal opportunities and really free enter prise, to pure competition, and to an age long past. They continued to believe, and do yet today, that the liberal tradition remains valid. In a polluted, indistinct form the liberal tradition remains the domi nant political ideology in America today.About the PublisherForgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.comThis book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

Academician Barthold's famous work begins in the late 7th century with the Muslim invasions of what became Russian Central Asia and carries the history of the region through the period of Abbasid centralization, that of the rise of local Muslim dynasties and successive phases of Turkish dominance down to the arrival of Chingiz Khan in the early 13th. Barthold's mastery of the historical and geographical sources and his sound critical judgement were remarkable and 'Turkestan' remains a basic work of reference for the area it covers. The book first appeared in St Petersburg in 1900 in the form of a Russian doctoral theses. The English edition of 1928 was thoroughly revised by the author, and that of 1968 supplemented by the translation of a further chapter found among his papers after his death: 'Turkestan under Mongol Domination (1227-69)'. A 2007 reprint contains an updated map of the region.

Argues that the leftist approach to government, based on materialism, centralization, and politicization, is opposed to freedom and true liberalism

The heated struggle between the ultramontanes and the gallicans, which erupted with particular intensity in France between 1848 and 1853, marked one more episode in an ongoing docrinal debate over the centralization of the Catholic Church. The ultramontane campaign, which supported a strict and centralized Church, undermined and nearly destroyed the French gallican Church, which favored a Catholicism that was deeply rooted in national character and local institutions. By recalling the bitter memory of this debacle, this book offers the historical background essential for understanding the key issues of the Vatican Council of 1870.

Politics and thieves, coercion and regulation, fascism and the Fed, centralization and liberty, workers and unions, trade and freedom, free-market achievements and government disasters in American history—this book covers it all! Organized Crime collection of essays in the tradition of Austrian political economy—a combination of applied economics and the study of governmental reality. Unlike “mainstream” economists who are content to spin mathematical model after mathematical model which explain little or nothing about the real world, DiLorenzo’s focus has always been just the opposite—to use economic understanding to gain a better understanding of how the political-economic world works. Austrian economics is indispensable to succeed at this task. Thomas J. DiLorenzo strips away the vast apparatus of establishment propaganda and exposes the government smokescreen. No statist lies are safe from h

Remington profiles the Bolshevik project of social transformation and political centralization known as War Communism. He argues that the effort to institute a centrally planned and administered economy shapedthe ideology of the regime, the relations between the regime and the working class, and the character of state power.

Argues that the leftist approach to government, based on materialism, centralization, and politicization, is opposed to freedom and true liberalism

Proposes a return to traditional solutions and structures as an antidote to excessive centralization in the Catholic Church.

The heated struggle between the ultramontanes and the gallicans, which erupted with particular intensity in France between 1848 and 1853, marked one more episode in an ongoing docrinal debate over the centralization of the Catholic Church. The ultramontane campaign, which supported a strict and centralized Church, undermined and nearly destroyed the French gallican Church, which favored a Catholicism that was deeply rooted in national character and local institutions. By recalling the bitter memory of this debacle, this book offers the historical background essential for understanding the key issues of the Vatican Council of 1870.

European politics has been reshaped in recent decades by a dual process of centralization and decentralization. At the same time that authority in many policy areas has shifted to the supranational level of the European Union, so national governments have given subnational regions within countries more say over the lives of their citizens. At the forefront of scholars who characterize this dual process as 'multi-level governance', Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks argue that its emergence in the second half of the twentieth century is a watershed in the political development of Europe. Hooghe and Marks explain why multi-level governance has taken place and how it shapes conflict in national and European political arenas.

Academician Barthold's famous work begins in the late 7th century with the Muslim invasions of what became Russian Central Asia and carries the history of the region through the period of Abbasid centralization, that of the rise of local Muslim dynasties and successive phases of Turkish dominance down to the arrival of Chingiz Khan in the early 13th. Barthold's mastery of the historical and geographical sources and his sound critical judgement were remarkable and 'Turkestan' remains a basic work of reference for the area it covers. The book first appeared in St Petersburg in 1900 in the form of a Russian doctoral theses. The English edition of 1928 was thoroughly revised by the author, and that of 1968 supplemented by the translation of a further chapter found among his papers after his death: 'Turkestan under Mongol Domination (1227-69)'. A 2007 reprint contains an updated map of the region.

Politics and thieves, coercion and regulation, fascism and the Fed, centralization and liberty, workers and unions, trade and freedom, free-market achievements and government disasters in American history—this book covers it all! Organized Crime collection of essays in the tradition of Austrian political economy—a combination of applied economics and the study of governmental reality. Unlike “mainstream” economists who are content to spin mathematical model after mathematical model which explain little or nothing about the real world, DiLorenzo’s focus has always been just the opposite—to use economic understanding to gain a better understanding of how the political-economic world works. Austrian economics is indispensable to succeed at this task. Thomas J. DiLorenzo strips away the vast apparatus of establishment propaganda and exposes the government smokescreen. No statist lies are safe from h