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The debate between impartialists and their critics has dominated both moral and political philosophy for over a decade. Characteristically, impartialists argue that any sensible form of impartialism can accommodate the partial concerns we have for others. By contrast, partialists deny that this is so. They see the division as one which runs exceedingly deep and argue that, at the limit, impartialist thinking requires that we marginalise those concerns and commitments that make our lives meaningful. This book attempts to show both that the dispute between impartialists and their critics runs very deep, and that it can nonetheless be resolved. The resolution begins by asking how impartialist political philosophy can defend the priority of justice when it conflicts with people's commitments to their conceptions of the good. It is argued that priority can only defended if political impartialism has a moral foundation, and that moral foundation must not be a foundation in the ideal of equality (as is often thought), but a foundation in the partial concerns we have for others. In short, impartialist moral philosophy must take our partial concerns as central if it is to gain allegiance. However, if it does take our partial concerns as central, then it can generate a defence of political impartialism which shows why justice must take priority, but which also acknowledges that pluralism about the good is permanent.

The debate between impartialists and their critics has dominated both moral and political philosophy for over a decade. Characteristically, impartialists argue that any sensible form of impartialism can accommodate the partial concerns we have for others. By contrast, partialists deny that this is so. They see the division as one which runs exceedingly deep and argue that, at the limit, impartialist thinking requires that we marginalise those concerns and commitments that make our lives meaningful. This book attempts to show both that the dispute between impartialists and their critics runs very deep, and that it can nonetheless be resolved. The resolution begins by asking how impartialist political philosophy can defend the priority of justice when it conflicts with people's commitments to their conceptions of the good. It is argued that priority can only defended if political impartialism has a moral foundation, and that moral foundation must not be a foundation in the ideal of equality (as is often thought), but a foundation in the partial concerns we have for others. In short, impartialist moral philosophy must take our partial concerns as central if it is to gain allegiance. However, if it does take our partial concerns as central, then it can generate a defence of political impartialism which shows why justice must take priority, but which also acknowledges that pluralism about the good is permanent.

First published in 1975, this is a book of general intellectual interest about the role of the university in contemporary society and that of university teachers in relation to their subjects, their students, and their wider political commitments. Alan Montefiore offers preliminary analyses of the family of concepts most often invoked in discussions of these problems, taking the central dispute to be between those who hold a 'liberal' view of the university and those who regard this notion as illusory, dishonest or undesirable. Six academics, representing, discuss issues of substantive conflict in light of Montefiore's initial distinctions. The volume is of particular interest to students of political and social philosophy, and political and educational theory. It is also intended for a wider readership among those who care about the political status of the universities and recognize the importance and difficulty of the problems involved in this.

It's a commonplace that citizens in Western democracies are disaffected with their political leaders and traditional democratic institutions. But in Democratic Legitimacy, Pierre Rosanvallon, one of today's leading political thinkers, argues that this crisis of confidence is partly a crisis of understanding. He makes the case that the sources of democratic legitimacy have shifted and multiplied over the past thirty years and that we need to comprehend and make better use of these new sources of legitimacy in order to strengthen our political self-belief and commitment to democracy. Drawing on examples from France and the United States, Rosanvallon notes that there has been a major expansion of independent commissions, NGOs, regulatory authorities, and watchdogs in recent decades. At the same time, constitutional courts have become more willing and able to challenge legislatures. These institutional developments, which serve the democratic values of impartiality and reflexivity, have been accompanied by a new attentiveness to what Rosanvallon calls the value of proximity, as governing structures have sought to find new spaces for minorities, the particular, and the local. To improve our democracies, we need to use these new sources of legitimacy more effectively and we need to incorporate them into our accounts of democratic government. An original contribution to the vigorous international debate about democratic authority and legitimacy, this promises to be one of Rosanvallon's most important books.

Excerpt from The Evidence and Authority of Divine Revelation, Vol. 2 of 2: Being a View of the Testimony of the Law and the Prophets to the Messiah, With the Subsequent TestimoniesInexhaustible. It is impossible to weigh this subject with candour and impartiality without being convinced that God is the Author Of the Bible.About the PublisherForgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.comThis book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

This book challenges the prevailing philosophical reduction of social justice to distributive justice. It critically analyzes basic concepts underlying most theories of justice, including impartiality, formal equality, and the unitary moral subjectivity. Starting from claims of excluded groups about decision making, cultural expression, and division of labor, Iris Young defines concepts of domination and oppression to cover issues eluding the distributive model. Democratic theorists, according to Young do not adequately address the problem of an inclusive participatory framework. By assuming a homogeneous public, they fail to consider institutional arrangements for including people not culturally identified with white European male norms of reason and respectability. Young urges that normative theory and public policy should undermine group-based oppression by affirming rather than suppressing social group difference. Basing her vision of the good society on the differentiated, culturally plural network of contemporary urban life, she argues for a principle of group representation in democratic publics and for group-differentiated policies. "This is an innovative work, an important contribution to feminist theory and political thought, and one of the most impressive statements of the relationship between postmodernist critiques of universalism and concrete thinking.... Iris Young makes the most convincing case I know of for the emancipatory implications of postmodernism." --Seyla Benhabib, State University of New York at Stony Brook

ISO/IEC 17025:2017 specifies the general requirements for the competence, impartiality and consistent operation of laboratories.ISO/IEC 17025:2017 is applicable to all organizations performing laboratory activities, regardless of the number of personnel.Laboratory customers, regulatory authorities, organizations and schemes using peer-assessment, accreditation bodies, and others use ISO/IEC 17025:2017 in confirming or recognizing the competence of laboratories.

Today, the Indian state claims to embody the values of a stable political democracy, a harmonious territorial unity, and a steadfast religious impartiality. Even many of those critical of the inequalities of Indian society underwrite such claims. The Indian Ideology suggests that the roots of the current ills of the Republic go much deeper, historically. They lie, in the way the struggle for independence culminated in the transfer of power from British rule to Congress in a divided subcontinent, not least in the roles played by Gandhi as the great architect of the movement, and Nehru as his appointed successor, in the catastrophe of Partition. Only an honest reckoning with that disaster, Perry Anderson argues, offers an understanding of what has gone wrong with the Republic since Independence. The Idea of India, widely diffused not only in the official establishment, but more broadly in mainstream intellectual life, side-steps or suppresses many of these uncomfortable realities, past and present. For its own reasons, much of the left has yet to challenge the upshot: what has come to be the neo-Nehruvian consensus of the time. The Indian Ideology, revisiting the events of over a century in the light of how millions of Indians fare in the Republic today, suggests another way of looking at the country.

Contents Introduction ix Gene Outka Universal Love and Impartiality 1 Edmund N. Santurri Who Is My Neighbor? Love, Equality, and Profoundly Retarded Humans 104 William Werpehowski "Agape" and Special Relations 138 David Little The Law of Supererogation 157 Timothy P. Jackson Christian Love and Political Violence 182 John H. Whittaker "Agape" and Self-Love 221 Jean Porter Salvific Love and Charity: A Comparison of the Thought of Karl Rahner and Thomas Aquinas 240 Ronald M. Green Kant on Christian Love 261 John P. Reeder, Jr. Analogues to Justice 281

A blindfolded woman holding a balance and a sword personifies one of our most significant virtues. We find Lady Justice in statues and paintings that adorn courts and other institutions of law, symbolizing strength and impartiality. Yet why do we valorize this virtue primarily as a quality of societies, and secondly as one of individual character? We can trace the virtue of justice to ancient Greece, where virtue ethics began its long evolution. There justice was seen as one of the most prominent virtues - and arguably the most important of the social virtues. With time, political philosophy diverted focus to understanding justice as a property of societies, and discussion of justice as a virtue of individuals diminished. But justice as a virtue of individual character has, along with the other virtues, reasserted itself not only in philosophy but in social psychology and other empirical fields of study. This volume aims to demonstrate the breadth of that thinking and research. It comprises new essays solicited from philosophers and political theorists, psychologists, economists, biologists, and legal scholars. Each contribution focuses on some aspect of what makes people just, either by examining the science that explains the development of justice as a virtue, by highlighting virtue cultivation within distinctive traditions of empirical or philosophical thought, or by adopting a distinctive perspective on justice as an individual trait. As the volume shows, justice begins with the individual, and flows outward to make just laws and just societies.

“Kent, as a county, is rich in precious historical gems, and the object of this book is to present in a clear, connected and authentic manner some of these events. The author has had three chief objects in view — accuracy of statement, simplicity of style, impartiality of treatment.” This history contains data from 1630–1916 concerning Kent County and its county town, Chestertown. Kent County was developed from the Isle of Kent, an area much fought over by Maryland and Virginia in the early 1600s. It is based on facts contained in books, newspapers and articles. This work traces the progress of the county, from political, educational, and religious standpoints, as well as recounting Indian stories, racing events, and superstitions. Lists of county and town officials, as well as soldiers are included. Other important people discussed are Claiborne, Tilghman, Parker, Reed, Knight, Pearce, Vickers, Usilton, Wroth, and many others. Fascinating photographs, illustrations, and a map provide readers with a special view of early Kent County. An every-name index has been added.

Nicolas Belfrage, who qualified as a Master of Wine in 1980, has come to be respected as one of Britain's very few Italian wine experts. In Life Beyond Lambrusco he dissects the subject of Italian wines with an unusual mixture of affection, impartiality and logic. The wines of Italy are classified not by irrelevant political regions but by geographical zones, and then by the major grape varieties shaping the flavor and character. With its sensitive portraits of over thirty representatives producers, this book puts the emphasis firmly on the quality that the country's vineyards and cellars are eminently capable of providing if only non-Italians would abandon their prejudices and take note. Observations of very recent developments of wine styles are especially valuable. Edited by the highly acclaimed wine journalist, Jancis Robinson, Life Beyond Lambrusco forms part of a lively new series of wine books published by Sidgwick and Jackson.

A blindfolded woman holding a balance and a sword personifies one of our most significant virtues. We find Lady Justice in statues and paintings that adorn courts and other institutions of law, symbolizing strength and impartiality. Yet why do we valorize this virtue primarily as a quality of societies, and secondly as one of individual character? We can trace the virtue of justice to ancient Greece, where virtue ethics began its long evolution. There justice was seen as one of the most prominent virtues - and arguably the most important of the social virtues. With time, political philosophy diverted focus to understanding justice as a property of societies, and discussion of justice as a virtue of individuals diminished. But justice as a virtue of individual character has, along with the other virtues, reasserted itself not only in philosophy but in social psychology and other empirical fields of study. This volume aims to demonstrate the breadth of that thinking and research. It comprises new essays solicited from philosophers and political theorists, psychologists, economists, biologists, and legal scholars. Each contribution focuses on some aspect of what makes people just, either by examining the science that explains the development of justice as a virtue, by highlighting virtue cultivation within distinctive traditions of empirical or philosophical thought, or by adopting a distinctive perspective on justice as an individual trait. As the volume shows, justice begins with the individual, and flows outward to make just laws and just societies.

Excerpt from The Science of HistoryI have throughout endeavoured to keep on strictly historical ground, and to describe the different social, political and religious phenomena with the impartiality of an unbiassed observer. I should have been guilty of gross' neglect had I not attempted, step by step, to trace, in connection with Historiography, the causes 'of which the historical phenomena were the effects.About the PublisherForgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.comThis book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

This book is dedicated to the proposition that "There is no fate that cannot be surmounted by scorn." Chosen with reckless impartiality, the quotations that follow assiduously lay waste to art, automobiles, and astrology; besmirch the fair names of beauty, Beethoven, and James Bond; calumniate children, Christmas, and civilization...well, you get the idea. A vast abundance of diverse and widely scattered sources - literary and otherwise - was meticulously mined to produce this collection of invective and insult. It is a distillation of venom from the pens of great misanthropes throughout history and in our time. For those who are hostile, perverse, frustrated, disenchanted, or disillusioned, this book is offered as a purgative for pique, a cathartic celebration. The hopelessly optimistic, the incorrigibly romantic, and anyone who holds anything sacred are advised to proceed with caution through these spleen-filled pages. So let the reader, amply forewarned, revel in rancor and luxuriate in loathing.

In this classic work of feminist political thought, Iris Marion Young challenges the prevailing reduction of social justice to distributive justice. It critically analyzes basic concepts underlying most theories of justice, including impartiality, formal equality, and the unitary moral subjectivity. The starting point for her critique is the experience and concerns of the new social movements about decision making, cultural expression, and division of labor--that were created by marginal and excluded groups, including women, African Americans, and American Indians, as well as gays and lesbians. Iris Young defines concepts of domination and oppression to cover issues eluding the distributive model. Democratic theorists, according to Young do not adequately address the problem of an inclusive participatory framework. By assuming a homogeneous public, they fail to consider institutional arrangements for including people not culturally identified with white European male norms of reason and respectability. Young urges that normative theory and public policy should undermine group-based oppression by affirming rather than suppressing social group difference. Basing her vision of the good society on the differentiated, culturally plural network of contemporary urban life, she argues for a principle of group representation in democratic publics and for group-differentiated policies. Danielle Allen's new foreword contextualizes Young's work and explains how debates surrounding social justice have changed since--and been transformed by--the original publication of Justice and the Politics of Difference.

How should we study the democracy of classical Athens? How, if at all, is it relevant to our own world with its different forms of democracy? Attitudes to Athenian democracy have always been affectd by the circumstances of those studying it; but, after a period in which scholars professed objectivity and impartiality as their ideal, the possibility of attaining that ideal has been questioned, and ideological commitment and relevance to contemporary circumstances have returned into fashion. This book traces developments in the study of Athenian democracy, examines the different approaches adopted in recent times, and argues that the conscious pursuit of relevance makes for bad history and that, although total objectivity is unattainable, studies which make that an ideal to be approached are likely to do more justice to the subject and also to be more useful in our world.

Today, the Indian state claims to possess a harmonious territorial unity, to embody the values of a stable political democracy, and to adhere to a steadfast religious impartiality. Even many of those critical of the inequalities of Indian society still underwrite such claims. But does the “idea of India” correspond to the realities of the Union? The Indian Ideology suggests that the roots of the republic’s current ills go very deep, historically. They lie, it argues, in the way the struggle for independence culminated in the transfer of power from British rule to Congress in a divided subcontinent, not least in the roles played by Gandhi, as the great architect of the movement, and Nehru, as his appointed successor, in the catastrophe of partition. Only an honest reckoning with that disaster, Perry Anderson argues, offers an understanding of what was has gone wrong since independence. Revisiting a century’s history, and sifting the uncomfortable realities from the ideology, Anderson offers an alternative way to look at the story of the nation, and the nature of a state that is less in conflict with caste than built upon it.

A campaigner for women's rightsThis is a remarkable and controversial book by any standards. The verdict is still out on whether its author Ann Eliza Young (formerly Webb) presented her case with complete impartiality, but certainly its contents are sufficiently detailed to reveal shocking and extraordinary details of her experiences during her time as a pluralist wife of Brigham Young of the Latter-Day Saints. A child of Mormon parents, Ann entered into her marriage with Young when he was 67 years old and she was 24, a divorcee and the mother of two children. Her writings on her experiences of the Mormon lifestyle in Utah make gripping reading and her book is filled with accounts of privation, cruelty and violence. She filed for divorce from Brigham Young in 1873 and went on to become an outspoken advocate for the rights of women in 19th century America and an ardent and campaigning opponent of polygamous marriage. This book is her account of her life as one of Young's wives and on its original publication propelled Ann into the public arena and became a best seller of its day. It still makes compelling reading. Available in softcover and hardcover for collectors.

"Postmodern Jurisprudence" brings together poststructuralism and legal theory. Contemporary legal theory is committed both to the major truth telling Enlightenment claims of clarity, logic, impartiality and analytical rigour, and to the normative demands of liberal equality, fairness and justice. But through a close reading of the leading texts of contemporary legal philosophy (Dworkin, Finnis, Fish, Norris, Goodrich, Jackson and recent Marxist theories of law), "Postmodern Jurisprudence" demonstrates that modernist discourses of law contain the unsettling thematics of postmodernity which these texts attempt to deny. Furthermore, by using an array of textual and contextual techniques in the reading of conventional legal works, such as law reports, "Postmodern Jurisprudence" points towards overcoming the impasse in the interpretation debate. The book concludes with an analysis around a piece of 19th-century literature which is approached via the dynamics of postmodern copyright law.