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The Nomos of the Earth is Schmitt's most historical and geopolitical book. It describes the origin of the Eurocentric global order, which Schmitt dates from the discovery of the New World, discusses its specific character and its contribution to civilization, analyzes the reasons for its decline at the end of the 19th century, and concludes with prospects for a new world order. It is a reasoned, yet passionate argument in defense of the European achievement - not only in creating the first truly global order of international law, but also in limiting war to conflicts among sovereign states, which, in effect, civilized war. In Schmitt's view, the European sovereign state was the greatest achievement of Occidental rationalism; in becoming the principal agency of secularization, the European state created the modern age. Since the problematic of a new nomos of the earth has become still more critical with the onset of the post-modern age and post-modern war, Schmitt's text is even more timely and challenging. Remarkable in Schmitt's discussion of the European epoch of world history is the role played by the New World, which ultimately replaced the Old World as the center of the earth and became the arbiter in European and world politics. According to Schmitt, the United States' internal conflicts between economic presence and political absence, between isolationism and interventionism, are global problems, which today continue to hamper the creation of a new world order. But however critical Schmitt is of American actions at the turn of the 20th century and after World War I, he considered the United States to be the only political entity capable of resolving the crisis of global order.

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The Nomos of the Earth is Schmitt's most historical and geopolitical book. It describes the origin of the Eurocentric global order, which Schmitt dates from the discovery of the New World, discusses its specific character and its contribution to civilization, analyzes the reasons for its decline at the end of the 19th century, and concludes with prospects for a new world order. It is a reasoned, yet passionate argument in defense of the European achievement - not only in creating the first truly global order of international law, but also in limiting war to conflicts among sovereign states, which, in effect, civilized war. In Schmitt's view, the European sovereign state was the greatest achievement of Occidental rationalism; in becoming the principal agency of secularization, the European state created the modern age. Since the problematic of a new nomos of the earth has become still more critical with the onset of the post-modern age and post-modern war, Schmitt's text is even more timely and challenging. Remarkable in Schmitt's discussion of the European epoch of world history is the role played by the New World, which ultimately replaced the Old World as the center of the earth and became the arbiter in European and world politics. According to Schmitt, the United States' internal conflicts between economic presence and political absence, between isolationism and interventionism, are global problems, which today continue to hamper the creation of a new world order. But however critical Schmitt is of American actions at the turn of the 20th century and after World War I, he considered the United States to be the only political entity capable of resolving the crisis of global order.

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Thirteen essays by leading scholars on the issues surrounding Marxism.

Political exclusion and domination are common forms of injustice in democratic societies. What is at stake in choosing one or the other as a way of conceptualizing injustice? Can either concept serve as a master concept for all injustice, or do the phenomena of injustice require a more complex array of analytic categories?The contributors to this volume explore the concepts of exclusion and domination from a wide array of theoretical approaches—liberal and republican, feminist and pluralist. They address topics ranging from racial segregation to criminal sanctions, from the role of the political philosopher to the instruments of genocide. They disagree—sometimes mildly and sometimes profoundly—over how we should construe the forms of exclusion and domination that most command our attention. Ultimately, these authors shed important light on the meaning of justice and injustice in contemporary society.Contributors: Danielle Allen, Michael Blake, Sanford Levinson, Catharine MacKinnon, Martha Nussbaum, Philip Pettit, James Tully, and Miguel Vatter.

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Immigration, Emigration and Migration consists of essays written by distinguished scholars across the fields of law, political science, and philosophy that examine questions of travel and migration across national borders.  Questions of immigration and border enforcement practices are particularly salient in contemporary public discourse, and examinations of policy and practice bring forth new philosophical quandaries. Why the common assumption that each country has the right to control its own borders? How are laws that restrict or regulate migration created and justified? Why has the criminalization of migration increased? How can migration be better considered through the point of view of the migrants themselves? What are the differences in international and national institutional migratory policy?  The volume explores questions of border control and enforcement, criminalization of borders, and how to address current debates and changes in regards to migration and immigration. The intersection of analysis and prescription provides both an assessment of current forms of thought or regulation and suggestion of alterations to address the flaws or failures of present approaches. The eight essays in this volume reflect a variety of considerations and explorations across interdisciplinary lines, and provide a new and thought-provoking discussion of policy, practice, and philosophy of migratory and border practices. 

Criminaltribunals, truth commissions, reparations, apologies and memorializations arethe characteristic instruments in the transitional justice toolkit that can helpsocieties transition from authoritarianism to democracy, from civil war topeace, and from state-sponsored extra-legal violence to a rights-respectingrule of law. Over the last several decades, their growing use has establishedtransitional justice as a body of both theory and practice whose guiding normsand structures encompasses the range of institutional mechanisms by whichsocieties address the wrongs committed by past regimes in order to lay thefoundation for more legitimate political and legal order. In TransitionalJustice, a group of leadingscholars in philosophy, law, and political science settles some of the keytheoretical debates over the meaning of transitional justice while opening upnew ones. By engaging both theorists and empirical social scientists in debatesover central categories of analysis in the study of transitional justice, italso illuminates the challenges of making strong empirical claims about theimpact of transitional institutions. Contributors:Gary J. Bass, David Cohen, David Dyzenhaus, Pablo de Greiff, Leigh-AshleyLipscomb, Monika Nalepa, Eric A. Posner, Debra Satz, GopalSreenivasan, AdrianVermeule, and Jeremy Webber.

From the sprawling remnants of the Soviet empire to the southern tip of Africa, attempts are underway to replace arbitrary political regimes with governments constrained by the rule of law. This ideal which subordinates the wills of individuals, social movements--and even, sometimes, democratically elected majorities--to the requirements of law, is here explored by leading legal and political thinkers. Part I of The Rule of Law examines the interplay of democracy and the rule of law, while Part II focusses on the centuries-old debate about the meaning of the rule of law itself. Part III takes up the constraints that rationality exercises on the rule of law. If the rule of law is desirable partly because it is rational, then departures from that rule might also be desirable in the event that they can be shown to be rational. Part IV concentrates on the limits of the rule of law, considering the tensions between liberalism and the rule of law which exist despite the fact that reasoned commitment to the rule of the law is preeminently a liberal commitment. Contributing to the volume are: Robert A. Burt (Yale University), Steven J. Burton (University of Iowa), William N. Eskridge, Jr. (Georgetown University), John Ferejohn (Stanford University), Richard Flathman (Johns Hopkins University), Gerald F. Gaus (University of Minnesota, Duluth), Jean Hampton (University of Arizona), Russell Hardin (University of Chicago), James Johnson (University of Rochester), Jack Knight (Washington University), Stephen Macedo (Harvard University), David Schmidtz (Yale University), Lawrence B. Solum (Loyola Marymount University), Michael Walzer (Princeton University), Catherine Valcke (University of Toronto), and Michael P. Zuckert (Carleton College).

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As the principles and practices of democracy continue to spread ever more widely, it is hard to imagine a corner of the globe into which they will not eventually penetrate. But the euphoria of democratic revolutions is typically short-lived, and usually followed by disgruntlement and even cynicism about the actual operation of democratic institutions. It is widely accepted that democracy is a good thing. However democrats have much work to do in improving the performance of democratic institutions. The essays in this volume focus on this difficult and vital challenge: how can we improve the design of democratic institutions? How can public deliberation in democracies be enhanced? How can elections be reformed so as to dampen the excessive influence of special interests, especially those with money? How can democratic institutions be reformed so they can deal with issues that transcend the boundaries of the nation-state? And finally, how can democratic practices better take account of the internal plurality of societies that are ethnically or otherwise divided? Contributors: Brooke Ackerly, Ian Ayres, Geoffrey Brennan, John Ferejohn, Alan Hamlin, Russell Hardin, Donald Horowitz, Stephen Macedo, Philip Petit, Philippe C. Schmitter, Ian Shapiro, Philippe Van Parjis, Iris Marion Young.

When translated into Greek for the Septuagint, the Hebrew Psalms received a conservative interpretation with an emphasis on nomos (law).

As the principles and practices of democracy continue to spread ever more widely, it is hard to imagine a corner of the globe into which they will not eventually penetrate. But the euphoria of democratic revolutions is typically short-lived, and usually followed by disgruntlement and even cynicism about the actual operation of democratic institutions. It is widely accepted that democracy is a good thing. However democrats have much work to do in improving the performance of democratic institutions. The essays in this volume focus on this difficult and vital challenge: how can we improve the design of democratic institutions? How can public deliberation in democracies be enhanced? How can elections be reformed so as to dampen the excessive influence of special interests, especially those with money? How can democratic institutions be reformed so they can deal with issues that transcend the boundaries of the nation-state? And finally, how can democratic practices better take account of the internal plurality of societies that are ethnically or otherwise divided? Contributors: Brooke Ackerly, Ian Ayres, Geoffrey Brennan, John Ferejohn, Alan Hamlin, Russell Hardin, Donald Horowitz, Stephen Macedo, Philip Petit, Philippe C. Schmitter, Ian Shapiro, Philippe Van Parjis, Iris Marion Young.

This work sheds light on the evolution of maritime law in the Mediterranean Sea between 800 and the 1050s, a period in maritime legal history whose gaps contemporary scholars have not attempted to bridge. It may allow scholars a better appreciation of the contribution which Islamic jurisprudence made to the development and internationalization of the law of the sea.

This work sheds light on the evolution of maritime law in the Mediterranean Sea between 800 and the 1050s, a period in maritime legal history whose gaps contemporary scholars have not attempted to bridge. It may allow scholars a better appreciation of the contribution which Islamic jurisprudence made to the development and internationalization of the law of the sea.

Homemade Detroit electronics and huge horn sections blast big band funk and riotous jazz. Nomo's roots are firmly planted in the fertile soil of African polyrhythm and American free jazz and the band puts on a must-see live show. "New Tones" is a full-color, spiritual soundscape that marries the exotic with the gritty. "Nomo can get to the smoking funk of the Africa 70 and Egypt 80, not unlike the way Jerry Gonzalez cut up his Latin jazz and hard bop album 'Crossroads' with snippets of authentic