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The Muslim conquest of the East in the seventh century entailed the subjugation of Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, and others. Although much has been written about the status of non-Muslims in the Islamic empire, no previous works have examined how the rules applying to minorities were formulated. Milka Levy-Rubin's remarkable book traces the emergence of these regulations from the first surrender agreements in the immediate aftermath of conquest to the formation of the canonic document called the Pact of 'Umar, which was formalized under the early 'Abbasids, in the first half of the ninth century. What the study reveals is that the conquered peoples themselves played a major role in the creation of these policies, and that these were based on long-standing traditions, customs, and institutions from earlier pre-Islamic cultures that originated in the worlds of both the conquerors and the conquered. In its connections to Roman, Byzantine, and Sasanian traditions, the book will appeal to historians of Europe as well as Arabia and Persia.

The Muslim conquest of the East in the seventh century entailed the subjugation of Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, and others. Although much has been written about the status of non-Muslims in the Islamic empire, no previous works have examined how the rules applying to minorities were formulated. Milka Levy-Rubin's remarkable book traces the emergence of these regulations from the first surrender agreements in the immediate aftermath of conquest to the formation of the canonic document called the Pact of 'Umar, which was formalized under the early 'Abbasids, in the first half of the ninth century. What the study reveals is that the conquered peoples themselves played a major role in the creation of these policies, and that these were based on long-standing traditions, customs, and institutions from earlier pre-Islamic cultures that originated in the worlds of both the conquerors and the conquered. In its connections to Roman, Byzantine, and Sasanian traditions, the book will appeal to historians of Europe as well as Arabia and Persia.

Due to mass migration over a number of decades, many Muslims today find themselves residing as minorities in Western secular nations and as a result are searching for answers in order to live within these societies yet remain true to their faith. This book sets out to counter the idea that there are only two possibilities for Muslim minorities—isolation or assimilation—by arguing that traditional Islamic law, or fiqh as it is found in the classical schools of law, is not outdated or too inflexible to be utilized in the 21st century and that rather it can provide the means for Muslims to integrate within secular societies while maintaining a link to the sources of their religion and its legal rulings. Amjad M. Mohammed demonstrates how Islamic law, as interpreted by the Hanafi School of Law, is a multifaceted, complex legal system that takes into account both the individual’s situation and the society’s culture and customs. The concept of diyar, or political-legal jurisdictions, is discussed with special emphasis on the criteria for the application of dar al-Islam (Muslim state), dar-al-sulh (peace-treaty state), and dar al-harb (enemy state). A number of rulings for different situations that confront Muslim minorities are also included, such as working with illegal products or services, halal meat, food additives, medicines and medical interventions, financial transactions, and political participation.

Due to mass migration over a number of decades, many Muslims today find themselves residing as minorities in Western secular nations and as a result are searching for answers in order to live within these societies yet remain true to their faith. This book sets out to counter the idea that there are only two possibilities for Muslim minorities—isolation or assimilation—by arguing that traditional Islamic law, or fiqh as it is found in the classical schools of law, is not outdated or too inflexible to be utilized in the 21st century and that rather it can provide the means for Muslims to integrate within secular societies while maintaining a link to the sources of their religion and its legal rulings. Amjad M. Mohammed demonstrates how Islamic law, as interpreted by the Hanafi School of Law, is a multifaceted, complex legal system that takes into account both the individual’s situation and the society’s culture and customs. The concept of diyar, or political-legal jurisdictions, is discussed with special emphasis on the criteria for the application of dar al-Islam (Muslim state), dar-al-sulh (peace-treaty state), and dar al-harb (enemy state). A number of rulings for different situations that confront Muslim minorities are also included, such as working with illegal products or services, halal meat, food additives, medicines and medical interventions, financial transactions, and political participation.

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This book reveals how, for well over a millennium and across three continents - Asia, Africa, and Europe - non-Muslims who were vanquished by jihad wars became forced tributaries (called dhimmi in Arabic) in lieu of being slain. Under the dhimmi religious caste system, non-Muslims were subjected to legal and financial oppression, as well as social isolation. Extensive primary and secondary source materials, many translated here for the first time into English, are presented, making clear that jihad conquests were brutal, imperialist advances, which spurred waves of Muslims to expropriate a vast expanse of lands and subdue millions of indigenous peoples. Finally, the book examines how jihad war, as a permanent and uniquely Islamic institution, ultimately regulates the relations of Muslims with non-Muslims to this day. Scholars, educators, and interested lay readers will find this collection an invaluable resource.

Like New condition. Great condition, but not exactly fully crisp. The book may have been opened and read, but there are no defects to the book, jacket or pages. 1.39

Book is in NEW condition. 2.14

206 pages. 10.00x8.00x0.47 inches. In Stock.

370 pages. 9.19x6.12x0.72 inches. In Stock. This item is printed on demand.

Psychology, with all its by-products and off shoots, has assumed in the West the status of religion, and for many people has replaced it. As in other areas of social sciences, some Muslim thinkers and scholars have developed an amazing skill for the unthinking repetition and blind copying of Western, non-Islamic ideas and practices. “In the Lizard’s Hole” is a Prophetic epitaph that describes this activity very well. Some Muslim psychologists insist dogmatically on prying even into lizard’s holes that have been partly or totally abandoned by their Western counterparts. But do Muslims really need modern psychology at all? Is modern psychology wholly Western? Is there a way in which it could be reconciled with Islam? These burning questions lie lurking behind the dilemma of Muslim psychologists.

Between Integration and Secession asks whether Muslim minorities can co-exist with the majority and other cultures within non-Muslim states. Moshe Yegar's excellent new work examines the radicalization of Muslim communities during the nationalist fervor that swept southeast Asia in the aftermath of World War II. The book's grand historical scope traces the theological and political impact of the postwar Islamic renaissance on the creation of Muslim separatist tendencies and heightened religious consciousness. Drawing on a wealth of archival and secondary sources, Yegar examines three cases of rebellion in Muslim minorities: in the Philippines, in Thailand, and in Burma/Myanmar. He studies the communities' struggle to define their aims―be it for communal separation, autonomy, or independence―and the means each has at their disposal to achieve them.

2015 Israel Fishman Non-Fiction Award presented by the Stonewall Books Awards of the American Library AssociationMuhsin is one of the organizers of Al-Fitra Foundation, a South African support group for lesbian, transgender, and gay Muslims. Islam and homosexuality are seen by many as deeply incompatible. This, according to Muhsin, is why he had to act. “I realized that I’m not alone—these people are going through the very same things that I’m going through. But I’ve managed, because of my in-depth relationship with God, to reconcile the two. I was completely comfortable saying to the world that I’m gay and I’m Muslim. I wanted to help other people to get there. So that’s how I became an activist.”Living Out Islam documents the rarely-heard voices of Muslims who live in secular democratic countries and who are gay, lesbian, and transgender. It weaves original interviews with Muslim activists into a compelling composite picture which showcases the importance of the solidarity of support groups in the effort to change social relationships and achieve justice. This nascent movement is not about being “out” as opposed to being “in the closet.” Rather, as the voices of these activists demonstrate, it is about finding ways to live out Islam with dignity and integrity, reconciling their sexuality and gender with their faith and reclaiming Islam as their own.

2015 Israel Fishman Non-Fiction Award presented by the Stonewall Books Awards of the American Library Association Muhsin is one of the organizers of Al-Fitra Foundation, a South African support group for lesbian, transgender, and gay Muslims. Islam and homosexuality are seen by many as deeply incompatible. This, according to Muhsin, is why he had to act. “I realized that I’m not alone—these people are going through the very same things that I’m going through. But I’ve managed, because of my in-depth relationship with God, to reconcile the two. I was completely comfortable saying to the world that I’m gay and I’m Muslim. I wanted to help other people to get there. So that’s how I became an activist.”    Living Out Islam documents the rarely-heard voices of Muslims who live in secular democratic countries and who are gay, lesbian, and transgender. It weaves original interviews with Muslim activists into a compelling composite picture which showcases the importance of the solidarity of support groups in the effort to change social relationships and achieve justice. This nascent movement is not about being “out” as opposed to being “in the closet.” Rather, as the voices of these activists demonstrate, it is about finding ways to live out Islam with dignity and integrity, reconciling their sexuality and gender with their faith and reclaiming Islam as their own.   

First published by E.J. Brill (The Netherlands) in 1969 as Geschinchte der Islamischen Lander, this volume is still one of the few studies to deal authoritatively, comprehensively, and clearly to the non-specialist, with the Mongols. It provides a lucid account of the empires of the two greatest Mongol empire-builders, Jingiz (Genghis) Khan and Timur (Tamerlane), and their successor states in Western Eurasia. Arthur Waldron's new introduction discusses the contribution of the Mongols and other nomadic societies to world history.

Analysts and pundits from across the American political spectrum describe Islamic fundamentalism as one of the greatest threats to modern, Western-style democracy. Yet very few non-Muslims would be able to venture an accurate definition of political Islam. Fully revised and updated, The Many Faces of Political Islam thoroughly analyzes the many facets of this political ideology and shows its impact on global relations.  

In much of the Muslim world, religion is the central foundation upon which family, community, morality, and identity are built. The inextricable embedment of religion in Muslim culture has forced a new generation of non-believing Muslims to face the heavy costs of abandoning their parents’ religion: disowned by their families, marginalized from their communities, imprisoned, or even sentenced to death by their governments. Struggling to reconcile the Muslim society he was living in as a scientist and physician and the religion he was being raised in, Ali A. Rizvi eventually loses his faith. Discovering that he is not alone, he moves to North America and promises to use his new freedom of speech to represent the voices that are usually quashed before reaching the mainstream media―the Atheist Muslim.In The Atheist Muslim, we follow Rizvi as he finds himself caught between two narrative voices he cannot relate to: extreme Islam and anti-Muslim bigotry in a post-9/11 world. The Atheist Muslim recounts the journey that allows Rizvi to criticize Islam―as one should be able to criticize any set of ideas―without demonizing his entire people. Emotionally and intellectually compelling, his personal story outlines the challenges of modern Islam and the factors that could help lead it toward a substantive, progressive reformation.

Hardback book in nearly new condition: firm and square with strong joints. Just a few hardly noticeable rubs or very mild bumps. Hence a non-text page shows a small 'damaged' stamp. Despite such this book looks and feels unread. Thus the contents are crisp, fresh and tight. And so a very nice book in great condition, now offered for sale at a reasonable price.

Are Muslims Distinctive? represents the first major scientific effort to assess how Muslims and non-Muslims differ--and do not differ--in the contemporary world. Using rigorous methods and data drawn from around the globe, M. Steven Fish reveals that in some areas Muslims and non-Muslims differ less than is commonly imagined. Muslims are not inclined to favor the fusion of religious and political authority or especially prone to mass political violence. Yet there are differences: Gender inequality is more severe among Muslims, Muslims are unusually averse to homosexuality and other controversial behaviors, and democracy is rare in the Muslim world. Other areas of divergence bear the marks of a Muslim advantage: Homicide rates and class-based inequities are less severe among Muslims than non-Muslims. Fish's findings have vital implications for human welfare, interfaith understanding, and international relations.

Until quite recently, Western scholars have tended to accept the Chinese representation of non-Han groups as marginalized minorities. Dru C. Gladney challenges this simplistic view, arguing instead that the very oppositions of majority and minority, primitive and modern, are historically constructed and are belied by examination of such disenfranchised groups as Muslims, minorities, or gendered others. Gladney locates China and Chinese culture not in some unchanging, essential "Chinese-ness", but in the context of historical and contemporary multicultural complexity. He investigates how this complexity plays out among a variety of places and groups, examining representations of minorities and majorities in art, movies, and theme parks; the invention of folklore and creation myths; the role of pilgrimages in constructing local identities; and the impact of globalization and economic reforms on non-Han groups such as the Muslim Hui. In the end, Gladney argues that just as peoples in the West have defined themselves against ethnic others, so too have the Chinese defined themselves against marginalized groups in their own society.