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In 1963, more than 30 African-American girls ages 11 to 16 were arrested for taking part in Civil Rights protests in Americus, Georgia. They were taken without their families' knowledge to a Civil War–era stockade in Leesburg, Georgia, where they were confined in unsanitary conditions and exposed to brutal treatment. Over the following weeks, their commitment to the fight for equality was put to the test. Combining historical research and personal interviews with several of the girls, Heather E. Schwartz brings this true story of the Civil Rights Movement to life.

Recounting a protest at Harvard that cost him his tenured position, the author tells moving stories of others who have challenged authority, questions the system, and examines the value of protest in protecting one's sense of self-worth. 25,000 first printing. Tour.

Originally sold as a durable work shoe, in the years following its creation date of April 1, 1961, our 1461 shoe became iconic. In the 70s and 80s, the style gained popularity with political protesters and as a fashion item in universities across Great Britain. Today, it serves as a symbol of rebellious self-expression for individuals from all walks of life. This 1461 shoe stays true to the original and features a smooth, classic soft leather upper, 3-eye Dr. Martens yellow welt stitching; finished with our ultra-comfortable Air Wair technology and slip-resistant sole. Air Wair's original signature leather: a firm leather finished with a smooth, semi-shiny appearance. This is a welcomed product. The upper and sole are heat-sealed and sewn together, not glued like many footwear constructions.

Originally sold as a durable work shoe, in the years following its creation date of April 1, 1961, our 1461 shoe became iconic. In the 70s and 80s, the style gained popularity with political protesters and as a fashion item in universities across Great Britain. Today, it serves as a symbol of rebellious self-expression for individuals from all walks of life. This 1461 shoe stays true to the original and features a smooth, classic soft leather upper, 3-eye Dr. Martens yellow welt stitching; finished with our ultra-comfortable Air Wair technology and slip-resistant sole. Air Wair's original signature leather: a firm leather finished with a smooth, semi-shiny appearance. This is a welcomed product. The upper and sole are heat-sealed and sewn together, not glued like many footwear constructions.

Originally sold as a durable work shoe, the 1461 shoe from Dr. Martens became iconic after its creation on April 1, 1961. In the 70s and 80s, this style gained popularity among political protesters and became a fashion statement in universities across Great Britain. Today, it serves as a symbol of rebellious self-expression for individuals from all walks of life. This 1461 shoe stays true to the original, featuring smooth leather, classic 3-eyelet design, and Dr. Martens' signature yellow stitching. It is finished with our ultra-comfortable Air Wair technology and slip-resistant sole. The original Air Wairs leather is firm and has a smooth, semi-glossy appearance. This is a welcomed product. The upper and sole are heat-sealed and stitched together, not glued like many footwear constructions.

In the spring of 1989 over 100,000 students in Beijing initiated the largest student revolt in human history. Television screens across the world filled with searing images from Tiananmen Square of protesters thronging the streets, massive hunger strikes, tanks set ablaze, and survivors tending to the dead and wounded after a swift and brutal government crackdown.Dingxin Zhao's award-winning The Power of Tiananmen is the definitive treatment of these historic events. Along with grassroots tales and interviews with the young men and women who launched the demonstrations, Zhao carries out a penetrating analysis of the many parallel changes in China's state-society relations during the 1980s. Such changes prepared an alienated academy, gave rise to ecology-based student mobilization, restricted government policy choices, and shaped student emotions and public opinion, all of which, Zhao argues, account for the tragic events in Tiananmen.

The Czech photographer Josef Koudelka was centre stage with his camera when the Soviet tanks rolled into Prague in 1968, photographing mass demonstrations and the confrontations between protesters and invading soldiers. Smuggled out of Czechoslovakia soon after the invasion, Koudelka's stunning black-and-white pictures of the citizens of Prague swarming the streets as tanks rumble towards them were widely published in the West, and remain the definitive images of those tumultuous days.

In the spring of 1989 over 100,000 students in Beijing initiated the largest student revolt in human history. Television screens across the world filled with searing images from Tiananmen Square of protesters thronging the streets, massive hunger strikes, tanks set ablaze, and survivors tending to the dead and wounded after a swift and brutal government crackdown.Dingxin Zhao's award-winning The Power of Tiananmen is the definitive treatment of these historic events. Along with grassroots tales and interviews with the young men and women who launched the demonstrations, Zhao carries out a penetrating analysis of the many parallel changes in China's state-society relations during the 1980s. Such changes prepared an alienated academy, gave rise to ecology-based student mobilization, restricted government policy choices, and shaped student emotions and public opinion, all of which, Zhao argues, account for the tragic events in Tiananmen.

Since the election of Scott Walker, Wisconsin has been seen as ground zero for debates about the appropriate role of government in the wake of the Great Recession. In a time of rising inequality, Walker not only survived a bitterly contested recall that brought thousands of protesters to Capitol Square, he was subsequently reelected. How could this happen? How is it that the very people who stand to benefit from strong government services not only vote against the candidates who support those services but are vehemently against the very idea of big government? With The Politics of Resentment, Katherine J. Cramer uncovers an oft-overlooked piece of the puzzle: rural political consciousness and the resentment of the “liberal elite.” Rural voters are distrustful that politicians will respect the distinct values of their communities and allocate a fair share of resources. What can look like disagreements about basic political principles are therefore actually rooted in something even more fundamental: who we are as people and how closely a candidate’s social identity matches our own. Using Scott Walker and Wisconsin’s prominent and protracted debate about the appropriate role of government, Cramer illuminates the contours of rural consciousness, showing how place-based identities profoundly influence how people understand politics, regardless of whether urban politicians and their supporters really do shortchange or look down on those living in the country. The Politics of Resentment shows that rural resentment—no less than partisanship, race, or class—plays a major role in dividing America against itself.

Chauncey Hare does not define himself as a photographer, but rather as an engineer, a family therapist and, above all, a protester. In his fast-paced introduction to this volume, Hare recounts a life devoted to protest. He describes his keen identification with the people whose homes he photographed throughout the late 60s and early 70s, and his refusal to betray them by selling his photography. He tells of his struggles to have his photographs accepted by the art world, and relates his abusive childhood, and the difficulties of his work life as an engineer at a major oil company and at the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Protest Photographs contains twice as many images as his two earlier books, Interior America (1977) and This Was Corporate America (1984).

Once in a great while, a photograph captures the essence of an era: Three people--one black and two white--demonstrate for equality at a lunch counter while a horde of cigarette-smoking hotshots pour catsup, sugar, and other condiments on the protesters' heads and down their backs. The image strikes a chord for all who lived through those turbulent times of a changing America.The photograph, which plays a central role in the book's perspectives from frontline participants, caught a moment when the raw virulence of racism crashed against the defiance of visionaries. It now shows up regularly in books, magazines, videos, and museums that endeavor to explain America's largely nonviolent civil rights battles of the late 1950s and early 1960s. Yet for all of the photograph's celebrated qualities, the people in it and the events they inspired have only been sketched in civil rights histories. It is not well known, for instance, that it was this event that sparked to life the civil rights movement in Jackson, Mississippi, in 1963. Sadly, this same sit-in and the protest events it inspired led to the assassination of Medgar Evers, who was leading the charge in Jackson for the NAACP.Winner of the 2014 Lillian Smith Book Award, We Shall Not Be Moved puts the Jackson Woolworth's sit-in into historical context. Part multifaceted biography, part well-researched history, this gripping narrative explores the hearts and minds of those participating in this harrowing sit-in experience. It was a demonstration without precedent in Mississippi--one that set the stage for much that would follow in the changing dynamics of the state's racial politics, particularly in its capital city.

The anti-Vietnam War movement in the United States is perhaps best remembered for its young, counterculture student protesters. However, the Vietnam War was the first conflict in American history in which a substantial number of military personnel actively protested the war while it was in progress. In The Turning, Andrew Hunt reclaims the history of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW), an organization that transformed the antiwar movement by placing Vietnam veterans in the forefront of the nationwide struggle to end the war. Misunderstood by both authorities and radicals alike, VVAW members were mostly young men who had served in Vietnam and returned profoundly disillusioned with the rationale for the war and with American conduct in Southeast Asia. Angry, impassioned, and uncompromisingly militant, the VVAW that Hunt chronicles in this first history of the organization posed a formidable threat to America's Vietnam policy and further contributed to the sense that the nation was under siege from within. Based on extensive interviews and in-depth primary research, including recently declassified government files, The Turning is a vivid history of the men who risked censures, stigma, even imprisonment for a cause they believed to be "an extended tour of duty."

An oral history of the Vietnam war in both the United States and Vietnam features first-hand accounts of how the war was experienced by soldiers, policy makers, protesters, operatives, doctors, artists, and journalists; in an accont that includes contributions by such figures as Oliver Stone, James Brown, and Alexander Haig. 40,000 first printing.

In April 1969, one of America's premier universities was celebrating parents' weekend―and the student union was an armed camp, occupied by over eighty defiant members of the campus's Afro-American Society. Marching out Sunday night, the protesters brandished rifles, their maxim: "If we die, you are going to die." Cornell '69 is an electrifying account of that weekend which probes the origins of the drama and describes how it was played out not only at Cornell but on campuses across the nation during the heyday of American liberalism.Donald Alexander Downs tells the story of how Cornell University became the battleground for the clashing forces of racial justice, intellectual freedom, and the rule of law. Eyewitness accounts and retrospective interviews depict the explosive events of the day and bring the key participants into sharp focus: the Afro-American Society, outraged at a cross-burning incident on campus and demanding amnesty for its members implicated in other protests; University President James A. Perkins, long committed to addressing the legacies of racism, seeing his policies backfire and his career collapse; the faculty, indignant at the university's surrender, rejecting the administration's concessions, then reversing itself as the crisis wore on. The weekend's traumatic turn of events is shown by Downs to be a harbinger of the debates raging today over the meaning of the university in American society. He explores the fundamental questions it posed, questions Americans on and off campus are still struggling to answer: What is the relationship between racial justice and intellectual freedom? What are the limits in teaching identity politics? And what is the proper meaning of the university in a democratic polity?

The Left has seized on our economic troubles as an excuse to blame the rich guy” and paint a picture of capitalism and the free market as selfish, greedy, and cruel. Democrats in Congress and Occupy” protesters across the country assert that the free market is not only unforgiving, it’s morally corrupt. According to President Obama and his allies, only by allowing the government to heavily control and regulate business and by redistributing the wealth can we ensure fairness and compassion.Exactly the opposite is true, says Father Robert A. Sirico in his thought provoking new book, Defending the Free Market: The Moral Case for a Free Economy. Father Sirico argues that a free economy actually promotes charity, selflessness, and kindness. And in Defending the Free Market, he shows why free-market capitalism is not only the best way to ensure individual success and national prosperity but is also the surest route to a moral and socially just society. In Defending the Free Market, Father Sirico shows:Why we can’t have freedom without a free economyWhy the best way to help the poor is to a start a businessWhy charity works but welfare doesn'tHow Father Sirico himself converted from being a leftist colleague of Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden to recognizing the merits of a free economy.In this heated presidential election year, the Left will argue that capitalism may produce winners, but it is cruel and unfair. Yet as Sirico proves in Defending the Free Market, capitalism does not simply provide opportunity for material success, but it ensures a more ethical and moral society as well.

“The work of David J. Garrow is more than a day-by-day account of how the historic Voting Rights Act of 1965 came into being.  It is also a skillful analysis of the dynamics of protest activity and more particularly of the ways in which successful protesters deliberately use the mass media to influence uninvolved audiences.” –American Historical Review“A valuable book, because it is a reminder of both the heroism and the brutality displayed in the great civil rights crusade.” –David Herbert Donald, The New Republic“One of the most comprehensive studies yet of a single campaign within the civil-rights movement.” –Pat Watters, New York Times Book Review“An excellent fusion of important theoretical constructs with careful and thoughtful empirical analysis.  A desirable addition to most college libraries, useful for a variety of courses....Thoroughly documented.  Recommended.” –Choice

You've seen them on the front page of the New York Times and on 60 Minutes-now hear them in their own words. With the rise of the global anti-capitalist movement, from the WTO in Seattle to the G8 in Genoa, street protesters are in the public eye. The masked and militant Black Bloc is the most visible and controversial of these protesters.Here are the collected communiques issued periodically from within the Bloc to explain their tactics, which include property destruction and police confrontation. Articulate, feisty, smart and surprisingly funny, these communiques have circulated widely in the underground and are now available for the first time to a general audience.A passionate manifesto in the rhetorical tradition of the Situationists, the book also includes an analysis of the meaning of Black Bloc street actions in context of the larger anti-capitalist movement, written by members of the Green Mountain Anarchist Collective. As the movement gains momentum, demand for documents like this will only increase. The Black Block Papers pulls off the neat trick of being both an important historical document and an indispensable guide to the road ahead.With twenty pages of photos from the actions discussed, this beautifully designed and affordable book is both a collectors' item and a pocket bomb for activists of all stripes and anyone interested in the cutting edge of politics today.These communiques were written anonymously by various members of the Black Bloc and other activist groups. Commentary was written by members of the Green Mountain Anarchist Collective who are based somewhere in the Green Mountains.

In 1989, Tom Cruise starred in the Oscar-winning movie Born on the 4th of July, based on the true story of Ron Kovic, an embittererd paralyzed Vietnam veteran who became a very vocal anti-war protester. Although understandable based upon his life experiences, I consciously chose not to be poisoned by all that had been thrown in my path. I consciously chose a different route. God allowed me to experience 'post traumatic growth' in my healing journey. My story differs from the one that Tom Cruise portrayed. I was not born on the 4th. I was Born on the 5th of July. For me, that means that, by God's grace, I was born in America, and He enabled me to follow the example of my father and serve my country in our nation's military. It also means I salute the flag and pledge my allegiance to 'one nation under God.' It means there are some things worth fighting for, and, if need be, worth dying for. I'm proud to be American and proud to be Born on the 5th of July.

On September 10, 1897, a group of 400 striking coal miners--workers of Polish, Slovak, and Lithuanian descent or origin--marched on Lattimer, Pennsylvania. There, law enforcement officers fired without warning into the protesters, killing nineteen miners and wounding thirty-eight others. The bloody day quickly faded into history. Paul A. Shackel confronts the legacies and lessons of the Lattimer event. Beginning with a dramatic retelling of the incident, Shackel traces how the violence, and the acquittal of the deputies who perpetrated it, spurred membership in the United Mine Workers. By blending archival and archaeological research with interviews, he weighs how the people living in the region remember--and forget--what happened. Now in positions of power, the descendants of the slain miners have themselves become rabidly anti-labor and anti-immigrant as Dominicans and other Latinos change the community. Shackel shows how the social, economic, and political circumstances surrounding historic Lattimer connect in profound ways to the riven communities of today. Compelling and timely, Remembering Lattimer restores an American tragedy to our public memory.

The book explores the implications of the democratic movement that took place in Gwangju, a southwestern city of Korea, in May 1980 when military paratroopers brutally crushed a group of protesters who demonstrated against General Chun Doo-hwan, who was about to become the country¡¦s president. Because of the event now known as the Gwangju Uprising, 191 people perished and 852 were wounded. In The Gwangju Uprising, Choi Jungwoon analyzes various discourses and motives of the uprising and vividly paints the demonstrators¡¦ street battles against paratroopers. He gives an in-depth scrutiny of the participants¡¦ mentalities and incentives, and the type of brutality involved. He also examines the stages the participants went through during the uprising, from the peace and togetherness they had at first, to the internal conflict that soon followed, to the lessons they learned in the uprising¡¦s aftermath. Choi argues that the united front experienced by the participants during the uprising was a driving force that changed modern Korean history.