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The Media Offensive: How the Press and Public Opinion Shaped Allied Strategy During World War II 1.19

Like New condition. Great condition, but not exactly fully crisp. The book may have been opened and read, but there are no defects to the book, jacket or pages. 1.15

“Lincoln believed that ‘with public sentiment nothing can fail; without it, nothing can succeed.’ Harold Holzer makes a significant contribution to our understanding of Lincoln’s leadership by showing us how deftly he managed his relations with the press of his day to move public opinion forward to preserve the Union and abolish slavery.” —Doris Kearns GoodwinFrom his earliest days, Lincoln devoured newspapers. As he started out in politics he wrote editorials and letters to argue his case. He spoke to the public directly through the press. He even bought a German-language newspaper to appeal to that growing electorate in his state. Lincoln alternately pampered, battled, and manipulated the three most powerful publishers of the day: Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune, James Gordon Bennett of the New York Herald, and Henry Raymond of the New York Times. When war broke out and the nation was tearing itself apart, Lincoln authorized the most widespread censorship in the nation’s history, closing down papers that were “disloyal” and even jailing or exiling editors who opposed enlistment or sympathized with secession. The telegraph, the new invention that made instant reporting possible, was moved to the office of Secretary of War Stanton to deny it to unfriendly newsmen. Holzer shows us an activist Lincoln through journalists who covered him from his start through to the night of his assassination—when one reporter ran to the box where Lincoln was shot and emerged to write the story covered with blood. In a wholly original way, Holzer shows us politicized newspaper editors battling for power, and a masterly president using the press to speak directly to the people and shape the nation.

The ideal of a neutral, objective press has proven in recent years to be just that—an ideal. In Governing with the News, Timothy E. Cook goes far beyond the single claim that the press is not impartial to argue that the news media are in fact a political institution integral to the day-to-day operations of our government. This updated edition includes a new afterword by the author, which pays close attention to two key developments in the twenty-first century: the accelerating fragmentation of the mass media and the continuing decline of Americans' confidence in the press. "Provocative and often wise. . . . Cook, who has a complex understanding of the relationship between governing and the news, provides a fascinating account of the origins of this complicity."—James Bennet, Washington Monthly "[Governing with the News] addresses central issues of media impact and power in fresh, illuminating ways. . . . Cook mines a wealth of historical and organizational literature to assert that the news media are a distinct political institution in our democratic system."—Robert Schmuhl, Commonweal

In this revision of their lauded Public Opinion: Democratic Ideals, Democratic Practice, Rosalee A. Clawson and Zoe M. Oxley continue to link the enduring normative questions of democratic theory to the best empirical research on public opinion. Exploring the tension between ideals and their practice, each chapter focuses on exemplary studies so that students gain a richer understanding of key findings and the research process as well as see methods applied in context.

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Americans tend to see negative campaign ads as just that: negative. Pundits, journalists, voters, and scholars frequently complain that such ads undermine elections and even democratic government itself. But John G. Geer here takes the opposite stance, arguing that when political candidates attack each other, raising doubts about each other’s views and qualifications, voters—and the democratic process—benefit. In Defense of Negativity, Geer’s study of negative advertising in presidential campaigns from 1960 to 2004, asserts that the proliferating attack ads are far more likely than positive ads to focus on salient political issues, rather than politicians’ personal characteristics. Accordingly, the ads enrich the democratic process, providing voters with relevant and substantial information before they head to the polls. An important and timely contribution to American political discourse, In Defense of Negativity concludes that if we want campaigns to grapple with relevant issues and address real problems, negative ads just might be the solution.

"Vote early and often" is an old American joke. The funny thing is, we now do that year in and year out in the form of endless public opinion polls that have reached the point of being confused with elections and with public opinion itself. Michael Wheeler's is the first book to take on the polls and the pollsters and deal forthrightly with the questions the people must ask.For example, can polls be rigged? Do they affect voters? Do they affect policy decisions? According to the author, the answer to each of these questions is yes. To back all of his considerable digging, he makes use of direct interviews with leading pollsters like George Gallup and Louis Harris, and a host of politicians, ranging from Senators Kennedy and Humphrey to former Nixon aides Colson and Ehrlichman.In one revealing chapter he follows a typical interviewer around for a day and gives the reader a real feeling for the ragged edges of opinion sampling. Even the pollsters admit that their record is marred by serious errors. The author shows that it is very much worse than they will admit.Lies, Dam Lies, and Statistics is not only about political polls, even though that is its most important subject. There is a section on commercial polls, which may be even less reliable than the others, and one on polls and television, in which the emperor's clothes of the Nielsen ratings are described. There is also a chapter on policing the polls, which the public ought to find imperative in view of the rest of the book. An exposé with an alternative, this is a book whose time has come.

The field of public opinion is one of the most diverse in political science. Over the last 60 years, scholars have drawn upon the disciplines of psychology, economics, sociology, and even biology to learn how ordinary people come to understand the complicated business of politics. But much of the path-breaking research in the field of public opinion is published in journals, taking up fairly narrow questions one at a time and often requiring advanced statistical knowledge to understand these findings. As a result, the study of public opinion can seem confusing and incoherent to undergraduates. To engage undergraduate students in this area, a new type of textbook is required. The second edition of New Directions in Public Opinion brings together leading scholars to provide an accessible and coherent overview of the current state of the field of public opinion. Each chapter provides a general overview of topics that are at the cutting edge of study as well as well-established cornerstones of the field. Each contributor has made substantive revisions to their chapters, and three chapters have been added on genetics and biology, immigration, and political extremism and the Tea Party. Suitable for use as a main textbook or in tandem with a lengthier survey, this book comprehensively covers the topics of public opinion research and pushes students further to explore critical topics in contemporary politics.

Public opinion is one of the most elusive and complex concepts in democratic theory, and we do not fully understand its role in the political process. Reading Public Opinion offers one provocative approach for understanding how public opinion fits into the empirical world of politics. In fact, Susan Herbst finds that public opinion, surprisingly, has little to do with the mass public in many instances. Herbst draws on ideas from political science, sociology, and psychology to explore how three sets of political participants—legislative staffers, political activists, and journalists—actually evaluate and assess public opinion. She concludes that many political actors reject "the voice of the people" as uninformed and nebulous, relying instead on interest groups and the media for representations of public opinion. Her important and original book forces us to rethink our assumptions about the meaning and place of public opinion in the realm of contemporary democratic politics.

Public Opinion exposes how media can shape public perception and how that perception changes society. Walter Lippmann is a two-time Pulitzer Prize-winner and visionary.

Contents: Part 1 Antecedents. 2 Protagonists in the battle; 3 Disentangling the truth; 4 Outcome of the battle.

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Newspapers were hugely influential in late eighteenth-century England, yet little is known about how they operated. Looking at London and its provinces, this study examines newspapers and their successful operation and influence upon politics, as well as their relationship with politicians, readers, and public opinion.

An instrumental work on todays outlook on the dominance of media in democracy, Public Opinion, is a key work by author Walter Lippmann. Does the manufacturing of consent amount to a democracy in the way democracy is practiced? Does the mass media have a control over the public opinion? These are questions that are more important today with the emergence of new technologies like the internet, and older technologies, like television, which are being politically dominated by an opportunistic media. Public Opinion is a highly recommended work for those who are interested in understanding the role of media and public opinion in politics and also those who enjoy the writings of Walter Lippmann.

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A penetrative study of democratic theory and the role of citizens in a democracy, this classic by a two-time Pulitzer Prize-winner offers a prescient view of the media's function in shaping public perceptions. It changed the nature of political science as a scholarly discipline and introduced concepts that continue to influence political theory.

Unread book in perfect condition.