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This study of ten fateful decisions made on Indochina between 1961-75 highlights the ascent of the civilian militarists and of strategy over diplomacy in United States policymaking and reveals the inexorably interlinked and escalating character of the decisions and the central purpose of American presidents: not to have to face the expected domestic political consequences of defeat in Indochina. As a result, we were led into a prolonged stalemate in which "acting" and the management of programs became a more important preoccupation than thinking about our purposes and values, in which analysis become wholly subjective and therefore defective, and in which decision-making occurred in a closed system which did not allow for divergent inputs.

Iran refuses to relent in developing nuclear technology, despite U.N. sanctions. Rumors persist that Israel is drawing up plans for military strikes. Neither the emboldened Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad nor the embattled President Bush has relented in his war of words. How did we get here? Iran expert Ali Ansari sets the current crisis in the context of a long history of mutual antagonism. From the overthrow of Mosaddeq in 1953 to the hostage crisis in 1979 and, more recently, the Gulf War and the War in Iraq, both Iranian and American politicians have forged conflicting narratives about an evil empire” lying half a world away-resulting in a mutual mistrust that may ultimately lead to war.

John Foster Dulles was one of the most influential and controversial figures in the history of twentieth-century U.S. foreign relations. Active in the field for decades, Dulles reflected and was a reflection of the tension that pervaded U.S. international conduct from its evolution as a global power in the early twentieth century through its emergence as the 'leader of the Free World' during the Cold War. His life and career embody the best and most troubling aspects of American foreign policy as it progressed toward international supremacy while swaying between altruism and self-interest. In this biography, Richard Immerman traces Dulles's path from his early days growing up in the parsonage of the First Presbyterian Church of Watertown, N.Y., through his years of amassing influence and power as an international business lawyer and adviser, to his service as President Eisenhower's secretary of state. This volume illuminates not only the history of modern U.S. foreign policy, but its search for a twentieth-century identity. Sophisticated yet accessible, John Foster Dulles: Piety, Pragmatism, and Power in U.S. Foreign Policy is an important resource for graduate and undergraduate courses in U.S. history and U.S. foreign relations.

A balanced and contemporary introduction to U.S. foreign policy, with a built-in reader. Written by one of the leading scholars in the field, American Foreign Policy focuses on foreign policy strategy as well as foreign policy politics. The heavily revised Fifth Edition offers greater emphasis on the role that domestic politics and institutions (both formal and informal) play in shaping American foreign policy. A consistent strategic framework (the four Ps: Power, Peace, Prosperity, and Principles) keeps students thinking analytically about policy decisions. And new chapters on key geopolitical regions apply the core concepts from both spheres to the issues that are most relevant today, including the rise of China, the consequences of the euro crisis, and the recent wars in the Middle East.

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The year 1810 marks the start of the North American foreign missions movement -- a movement begun with typical American enthusiasm and vigor but in need of practical grounding. This volume explores important facets of the development of North American foreign missions, paying particular attention to the role agencies like the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) played in shaping the theology, theory, and policy of evangelistic activities overseas.Written by leading experts on missions and religious history, this volume is distinguished by its focus on key events taking place at the home base rather than on happenings in the foreign mission field. In doing so, these insightful studies shed light on important yet neglected topics, including the impact of debates about slavery on foreign missions, the emergence of distinctive mission strategies for women, the role of the social gospel as a missionary ideology, and the contribution of foreign missions to the creation of a global evangelical network.Contributors: Alvyn AustinRuth Compton Brouwer, Wendy J. Diechmann Edwards, Janet F. Fishburn, Paul Harris, David W. Kling, Charles A. Maxfield III, Susan Wilds McArver, John F. Piper Jr., Dana L. Robert, Richard Lee Rogers, Wilbert R. Shenk, Carol Ann Vaughn.bThis excellent volume will command widespread attention not only for its display of scholarly expertise but for the fresh and revealing light it throws on the principal landmarks and major themes in the history of missionary expansion overseas.b-- Andrew PorterKingbs College London

Who speaks for America in world affairs? In this insightful new book, Tony Smith finds that, often, the answer is interest groups, including ethnic ones. This seems natural in a country defined by ethnic and cultural diversity and a democratic political system. And yet, should not the nation's foreign policy be based on more general interests? On American national interests?In exploring this question, Smith ranges over the history of ethnic group involvement in foreign affairs; he notes the openness of our political system to interest groups; and he investigates the relationship between multiculturalism and U.S. foreign policy. The book has three major propositions. First, ethnic groups play a larger role in the formulation of American foreign policy than is widely recognized. Second, the negative consequences of ethnic group involvement today outweigh the benefits this activism at times confers on America in world affairs. And third, the tensions of a pluralist democracy are particularly apparent in the making of foreign policy, where the self-interested demands of a host of domestic actors raise an enduring problem of democratic citizenship--the need to reconcile general and particular interests.

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Andrew Bacevich's Ideas and American Foreign Policy is a broad-ranging reader that serves as a comprehensive overview of the role of ideas in American foreign policy over the entirety of the nation's history. Chronological in structure, the book features over 100 writings from major figures across all eras of American history, from John Winthrop to John Quincy Adams to Woodrow Wilson to George Kennan to Barack Obama. All of the book's 14 sections include clear introductions that contextualize the primary source essays. In combination, the pieces illustrate how foundational the power of ideas in US foreign policy thinking has been from the first English settlement to the Trump presidency. Throughout, Bacevich emphasizes the contest between affirming ideas, which justify actually existing policy, and dissenting ideas, which either call into question or challenge government actions and priorities while advancing alternatives. Ultimately, the volume shows how ideas--although not ideas alone--have always defined the framework within which policymakers operate. Understanding the evolution of the core ideas that drive US foreign policy facilitates our understanding of both the environment in which policymakers make decisions and the constraints within which they operate. Beginning with the founding of Anglo-America and concluding with the post-9/11 era, this will be an essential volume for anyone teaching a course on the history of US foreign policy or--more generally--any reader desiring an expertly arranged and authoritative collection of the most important documents in US foreign policy history.

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This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the original. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions that are true to the original work.

Alleged lessons from recent history often shape American foreign policy, contends Ernest R. May. What is said of generals has been true of policy-makers. They have prepared for the last war--or the last peace.

A useful book that asks the right questions about some of the central issues of the Soviet Union in 1991 and provides an excellent basis for the discussion of American policy on the topic.

This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the original. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions that are true to the original work.

In recent years several Latin American countries have adopted a more assertive and autonomous stance in their foreign policy. The growing rejection of neo-liberalism as an ideological dogma seems to have given space to more pragmatic stances in favour of national interests.

As its interests have become deeply tied to the Middle East, the United States has long sought to develop a usable understanding of the people, politics, and cultures of the region. In Imagining the Middle East, Matthew Jacobs illuminates how Americans' ideas and perspectives about the region have shaped, justified, and sustained U.S. cultural, economic, military, and political involvement there.Jacobs examines the ways in which an informal network of academic, business, government, and media specialists interpreted and shared their perceptions of the Middle East from the end of World War I through the late 1960s. During that period, Jacobs argues, members of this network imagined the Middle East as a region defined by certain common characteristics--religion, mass politics, underdevelopment, and an escalating Arab-Israeli-Palestinian conflict--and as a place that might be transformed through U.S. involvement. Thus, the ways in which specialists and policymakers imagined

A revealing look at presidential politics and foreign policy-making from the aftermath of Vietnam to the NATO intervention in Kosovo. The book illuminates the relationship between presidents' domestic and foreign policy priorities and the key role of public opinion in constraining presidential initiatives, particularly the ability of a president to use military force overseas. In case studies ranging from the invasion of Grenada through the Gulf War and the dilemmas of Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo, Melanson provides compelling portraits of presidents Nixon, Carter, Reagan, Bush and Clinton, and their different efforts to forge a foreign policy consensus.

From 1968 to 1976, the dominant issue of American foreign policy was attempting to formulate a response to steadily increasing Soviet military power. Yet, as a result of the mire of Watergate, clout in the area of US-Soviet relations during this period slipped from the hands of Richard Nixon to those of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Richard Thornton argues that Watergate was a "set up" by John Mitchell and members of the Eastern wing of the Republican Party to oust Nixon. At the heart of Thornton's examination lies the assessment of how Kissinger was able to move the United States away from Nixon's traditional containment policy to "tri-lateralism" and a greater dependence on collective security organizations. This revised and expanded edition is a major contribution to the study of foreign affairs and it also serves as an critical balance to Kissinger's own volumes of memoirs.