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Stated third printing, 1973, in English, published by Progress Publishers of Moscow. 398 pages plus "request to readers", with numerous water-color-painting illustrations, and a foreword by Konstantin Fedin. Binding is tight, sturdy, and square. Interior appears free of markings. Blue cloth boards in very good condition. Dust jacket has wear to edges and a piece of clear tape over some small tears at head of spine, minor general wear. NOT ex-library. Dust jacket in good+ condition. Ships same or next business day from Dinkytown in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

A PREMIERE OPPORTUNITYA Pulitzer-winning American journalist is poisoned to death at the Moscow Film Festival, along with two Soviet businessmen and a Japanese visitor. All the same night. All the same hotel.PREMEDITATED MAYHEMAn international organization of terrorists has launched its most murderous offensive against both East and West. Foreigners continue dying at an alarming rate, in a huge embarrassment the Kremlin can ill afford.EXPLOSIVE SITUATIONChief Inspector Rostnikov leads the hunt for a dark-eyed woman of mystery and one very powerful bomb. The trail will take him, along with Karpo and Tkach, to the Soviet Union's most hallowed monument and the terrorist's ultimate target . . . .

LP version. Ultra-rare recordings by '70s UK avant-rockers Red Square, the missing link between original free-noise practitioners like AMM, Nihilist Spasm Band, and Peter Brotzmann and post-no wavers la The Blue Humans, Borbetomagus, Fushitsusha, and The Dead C. Named after the early Soviet Constructivists, Red Square is a pioneering free-improvising, avant-rock band. They bridged the worlds of psychedelic rock, noise, and avant-jazz, and many of the techniques and approaches to music that the

Alexei Navalny, Russian opposition firebrand, and Adam Michnik, Polish thinker and seasoned activist, take a walk in Red Square, Moscow, to talk about Poland's struggle for independence from the USSR, the collapse of the Soviet empire, and nothing less than the future of Russia. From dissidents to solidarity, Michnik talks animatedly about battling the 'salami' tactics of the old Polish communist regime. Step by step, beneath the Kremlin walls, Navalny is looking for parallels. How did a small group of opposition-minded Poles come to form a ten-million-strong political movement? 'Our strength lay in our solidarity,' says Michnik. Navalny knows what he's up against: 'Putin's main weapon is his ability to bribe the population.' But he also knows his fellow countrymen, for there is 'no one in the country who approves of palace-buying officials.' They pass by Lenin's tomb many times, searching for a way forward. When it's much easier to talk revolution than to actually make it happen, how do you breach the walls of the Kremlin? Here is a clarion call. The blueprint for a new Russia.

Alexei Navalny, Russian opposition firebrand, and Adam Michnik, Polish thinker and seasoned activist, take a walk in Red Square, Moscow, to talk about Poland's struggle for independence from the USSR, the collapse of the Soviet empire, and nothing less than the future of Russia. From dissidents to solidarity, Michnik talks animatedly about battling the 'salami' tactics of the old Polish communist regime. Step by step, beneath the Kremlin walls, Navalny is looking for parallels. How did a small group of opposition-minded Poles come to form a ten-million-strong political movement? 'Our strength lay in our solidarity,' says Michnik. Navalny knows what he's up against: 'Putin's main weapon is his ability to bribe the population.' But he also knows his fellow countrymen, for there is 'no one in the country who approves of palace-buying officials.' They pass by Lenin's tomb many times, searching for a way forward. When it's much easier to talk revolution than to actually make it happen, how do you breach the walls of the Kremlin? Here is a clarion call. The blueprint for a new Russia.

A full account of the Soviet army's triumph over the German army, from the Soviet perspective. Draws on formerly classified Soviet sources to place the war within its wider political, economic, and social contexts, and recounts the offensives and counteroffensives sweeping across a half-million square miles. Includes b&w photos and maps. For general readers interested in WWII and Soviet history. Annotation copyright Book News, Inc. Portland, Or.

Natan Sharansky believes that the truest expression of democracy is the ability to stand in the middle of a town square and express one's views without fear of imprisonment. He should know. A dissident in the USSR, Sharansky was jailed for nine years for challenging Soviet policies. During that time he reinforced his moral conviction that democracy is essential to both protecting human rights and maintaining global peace and security. Sharansky was catapulted onto the Israeli political stage in 1996. In the last eight years, he has served as a minister in four different Israeli cabinets, including a stint as Deputy Prime Minister, playing a key role in government decision making from the peace negotiations at Wye to the war against Palestinian terror. In his views, he has been as consistent as he has been stubborn: Tyranny, whether in the Soviet Union or the Middle East, must always be made to bow before democracy. Drawing on a lifetime of experience of democracy and its absence, Sharansky believes that only democracy can safeguard the well-being of societies. For Sharansky, when it comes to democracy, politics is not a matter of left and right, but right and wrong. This is a passionately argued book from a man who carries supreme moral authority to make the case he does here: that the spread of democracy everywhere is not only possible, but also essential to the survival of our civilization. His argument is sure to stir controversy on all sides; this is arguably the great issue of our times.

Late in 1957 a huge explosion occurred in the disposal section of the Soviet atomic weapons industry located in the Southern Urals where atomic wastes had been stored for over ten years. The result was devastating. The primary radioactive contamination covered between 800 and 1200 square miles, an area almost as large as Rhode Island. People died--whole villages had to be evacuated and bulldozed. All that remained, both plant and animal life, received such a massive dose of radiation that its effects will probably be felt for as long as a century.The story of the explosion and contamination was and still is suppressed in the Soviet Union and, the author contends, by the CIA and other Western intelligence organizations fearful of public resistance to nuclear power plants. Now, after an intensive study of Soviet scientific articles (written to disguise the fact that they were about the Ural explosion) and after many interviews and reports from friends in the scientific community as well as from witnesses, the author has pieced together the story of what actually happened. He analyzes the extent and consequences of the contamination and draws forbidding conclusions about the possibility of similar disasters in the rest of the world.

Osprey's study of NATO armies of the post-World War II period. The defeat of Hitler on 8 May 1945 left Western Europe militarily vulnerable and economically exhausted. The Soviet Union, however, had since 1940 annexed 180,000 square miles of Eastern Europe, occupied a further 390,000 square miles, and now seemed poised to advance still further westwards with its six-million strong forces. The increasing Soviet threat brought forth demands for a permanent Western Military alliance, and on 4 April 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty was signed in Washington DC. This book explores the history, organization and uniforms of NATO armies - excluding the United States and Great Britain - as they were in the late 1980s.

Once the hub of the tsarist state, later Brezhnev's "model Communist city"--home of the Kremlin, Red Square, and St. Basil's Cathedral--Moscow is for many the quintessence of everything Russian. Timothy Colton's sweeping biography of this city at the center of Soviet life reveals what such a position has meant to Moscow and ultimately to Russia itself. Linchpin of the Soviet system and exemplar of its ideology, Moscow was nonetheless instrumental in the Soviet Union's demise. It was in this metropolis of nine million people that Boris Yeltsin, during two frustrating years as the city's party boss, began his move away from Communist orthodoxy. Colton charts the general course of events that led to this move, tracing the political and social developments that have given the city its modern character. He shows how the monolith of Soviet power broke down in the process of metropolitan governance, where the constraints of censorship and party oversight could not keep up with proliferating points of view, haphazard integration, and recurrent deviation from approved rules and goals. Everything that goes into making a city--from town planning, housing, and retail services to environmental and architectural concerns--figures in Colton's account of what makes Moscow unique. He shows us how these aspects of the city's organization, and the actions of leaders and elite groups within them, coordinated or conflicted with the overall power structure and policy imperatives of the Soviet Union. Against this background, Colton explores the growth of the anti-Communist revolution in Moscow politics, as well as fledgling attempts to establish democratic institutions and a market economy. As it answers persistent questions about Soviet political history, this lavishly illustrated volume may also point the way to understanding Russia's future.

Acclaimed director Agnieszka Holland (EUROPA, EUROPA) returns to a pivotal time in modern Czech history: The shocking act of a student of the Charles University's Faculty of Arts, who in protest of the Soviet occupation, set himself on fire in Prague's Wenceslas Square on the 16th of January 1969, and died four days later. Through the story of the brave defense attorney Dagmar Buresova, who defended Palach's legacy in a doomed lawsuit, the film examines the transformations taking place in Czecho