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Product details Hardcover Publisher: Pearson Custom Publishing; AP ed of 16th revised ed edition (March 1, 2013) Language: English ISBN-10: 0205865755 ISBN-13: 978-0205865758 Product Dimensions: 0.4 x 0.4 x 0.4 inches Shipping Weight: 1.6 pounds

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Elevate your casual style with this Robert Friedman shirt for men. Featuring a classic design, this shirt is perfect for everyday wear. Model height: 178 cm; Size: 42. Wash with 30°C. Fabric details: 75% CV, 25% SE.

Elevate your casual style with this Robert Friedman shirt for men. Featuring a classic design, this shirt is perfect for everyday wear. Model height: 178 cm; Size: 42. Wash with 30°C. Fabric details: 75% CV, 25% SE.

Elevate your casual style with this Robert Friedman shirt for men. Featuring a classic design, this shirt is perfect for everyday wear. Model height: 178 cm; Size: 42. Wash with 30°C. Fabric: 75% CV, 25% SE.

Elevate your casual style with this Robert Friedman shirt for men. Featuring a classic design, this shirt is perfect for everyday wear. Model height: 178 cm; Size: 42. Wash with 30°C. Fabric: 75% CV, 25% SE.

Elevate your casual style with this Robert Friedman shirt for men. Featuring a classic design, this shirt is perfect for everyday wear. Model height: 178 cm; Size: 42. Wash with 30°C. Fabric: 75% CV, 25% SE.

Robert Kennedy's abbreviated run for the presidency in 1968 has assumed almost mythical proportions in American memory. His campaign has been romanticized because of its tragic end, but also because of the foreign and domestic crises that surrounded it. Yet while most media coverage initially focused on Kennedy's opposition to the Vietnam War as the catalyst of his candidacy, another issue commanded just as much of his attention. That issue was poverty. Stumping across the country, he repeated the same antipoverty themes before college students in Kansas and Indiana, loggers and women factory workers in Oregon, farmers in Nebraska, and business groups in New York. Although his calls to action sometimes met with apathy, he refused to modify his message. "If they don't care," he told one aide, "the hell with them." As Edward R. Schmitt demonstrates, Kennedy's concern with the problem of poverty was not new. Although critics at the time accused him of opportunistically veering left in order to outflank an unpopular president, a closer look at the historical record reveals a steady evolution rather than a dramatic shift in his politics.

hardcover and dustwrapper in very good condition; 374 pages, b/w photos

A scholarly study of Sir Robert Cotton as antiquary and politician. It examines his antiquarian writings, the building of his library, his relations with European scholars, his place at court, in parliament, and in the literary society of Renaissance London.

The Earl of Essex was the last great favorite of Elizabeth I and the leading cultural patron of the final years of her reign. Dazzled by the "romantic" relationship with the queen, modern writers have branded Essex a dandy, a military incompetent, and a political dabbler, and have blamed him for the bitter factionalism that plagued English politics in the 1590s. Using an unparalleled range of manuscript and printed sources, this book presents a very different image of Essex and of the outbreak of factionalism in Elizabethan politics.

Robert Kennedy's abbreviated run for the presidency in 1968 has assumed almost mythical proportions in American memory. His campaign has been romanticized because of its tragic end, but also because of the foreign and domestic crises that surrounded it. Yet while most media coverage initially focused on Kennedy's opposition to the Vietnam War as the catalyst of his candidacy, another issue commanded just as much of his attention. That issue was poverty. Stumping across the country, he repeated the same antipoverty themes before college students in Kansas and Indiana, loggers and women factory workers in Oregon, farmers in Nebraska, and business groups in New York. Although his calls to action sometimes met with apathy, he refused to modify his message. "If they don't care," he told one aide, "the hell with them." As Edward R. Schmitt demonstrates, Kennedy's concern with the problem of poverty was not new. Although critics at the time accused him of opportunistically veering left in order to outflank an unpopular president, a closer look at the historical record reveals a steady evolution rather than a dramatic shift in his politics.

A scholarly study of Sir Robert Cotton as antiquary and politician. It examines his antiquarian writings, the building of his library, his relations with European scholars, his place at court, in parliament, and in the literary society of Renaissance London.

"Third volume of in-depth analysis of the army. Format is similar to previous two volumes. There is, however, more emphasis on the internal maneuvering which characterizes the period. The detail is based on information provided by the participants. A worthy successor to the other studies and essential for analysis of the period. For reviews of vol. 1, see HLAS 31:7229 and HLAS 32:2599a"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.http://www.loc.gov/hlas/

The way in which mainstream human rights discourse speaks of such evils as the Holocaust, slavery, or apartheid puts them solidly in the past. Its elaborate techniques of "transitional" justice encourage future generations to move forward by creating a false assumption of closure, enabling those who are guilty to elude responsibility. This approach to history, common to late-twentieth-century humanitarianism, doesn't presuppose that evil ends when justice begins. Rather, it assumes that a time before justice is the moment to put evil in the past. Merging examples from literature and history, Robert Meister confronts the problem of closure and the resolution of historical injustice. He boldly challenges the empty moral logic of "never again" or the theoretical reduction of evil to a cycle of violence and counterviolence, broken only once evil is remembered for what it was. Meister criticizes such methods for their deferral of justice and susceptibility to exploitation and elaborates the flawed moral logic of "never again" in relation to Auschwitz and its evolution into a twenty-first-century doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect.

The Earl of Essex was the last great favorite of Elizabeth I and the leading cultural patron of the final years of her reign. Dazzled by the "romantic" relationship with the queen, modern writers have branded Essex a dandy, a military incompetent, and a political dabbler, and have blamed him for the bitter factionalism that plagued English politics in the 1590s. Using an unparalleled range of manuscript and printed sources, this book presents a very different image of Essex and of the outbreak of factionalism in Elizabethan politics.