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"This splendid book should demonstrate to the still unconvinced that the new scholarship of the past decade on women has, by enriching our understanding of the place of women, deepened our understanding of the historical process in general. . . . The exhaustive and imaginative research in this study creates a texture of rich detail about a variety of little-known aspects of women's history, labor history, and radical history and begins the rewriting of the history of American socialism." -- Journal of American History ". . . a brilliantly comprehensive, analytical, and perceptive work on an important movement in US history. Highly recommended." -- Library Journal  

John Stuart Mill is one of the few indisputably classic authors in the history of political thought. On Liberty, first published in 1851, has become celebrated as the most powerful defense of the freedom of the individual and it is now widely regarded as the most important theoretical foundation for Liberalism as a political creed. Similarly, his The Subjection of Women, a powerful indictment of the political, social, and economic position of women, has become one of the cardinal documents of modern feminism. This edition brings together these two classic texts, plus Mill's posthumous Chapters on Socialism, his somewhat neglected examination of the strengths and weaknesses of various forms of Socialism. The Editor's substantial Introduction places these three works in the context both of Mill's life and of nineteenth-century intellectual and political history, and assesses their continuing relevance.

This study explores the meanings ascribed to sexual difference in the theories of Charles Fourier, the Saint-Simonians and Flora Tristan. Their concept of 'the feminine' as a moral force justified a wide range of social roles for women. In addition, 'the feminine' became a symbol of the harmony and co-operation envisaged for the future. The study shows that, while these socialists challenged contemporary sex-role definitions, the new distinctions which they created nevertheless circumscribed the possibilities for female 'liberty'.

This study explores the meanings ascribed to sexual difference in the theories of Charles Fourier, the Saint-Simonians and Flora Tristan. Their concept of 'the feminine' as a moral force justified a wide range of social roles for women. In addition, 'the feminine' became a symbol of the harmony and co-operation envisaged for the future. The study shows that, while these socialists challenged contemporary sex-role definitions, the new distinctions which they created nevertheless circumscribed the possibilities for female 'liberty'.

A spirited, deeply researched exploration of why capitalism is bad for women and how, when done right, socialism leads to economic independence, better labor conditions, better work-life balance and, yes, even better sex.In a witty, irreverent op-ed piece that went viral, Kristen Ghodsee argued that women had better sex under socialism. The response was tremendous -- clearly she articulated something many women had sensed for years: the problem is with capitalism, not with us.Ghodsee, an acclaimed ethnographer and professor of Russian and East European Studies, spent years researching what happened to women in countries that transitioned from state socialism to capitalism. She argues here that unregulated capitalism disproportionately harms women, and that we should learn from the past. By rejecting the bad and salvaging the good, we can adapt some socialist ideas to the 21st century and improve our lives.She tackles all aspects of a woman's life - work, parenting, sex and relationships, citizenship, and leadership. In a chapter called "Women: Like Men, But Cheaper," she talks about women in the workplace, discussing everything from the wage gap to harassment and discrimination. In "What To Expect When You're Expecting Exploitation," she addresses motherhood and how "having it all" is impossible under capitalism.Women are standing up for themselves like never before, from the increase in the number of women running for office to the women's march to the long-overdue public outcry against sexual harassment. Interest in socialism is also on the rise - whether it's the popularity of Bernie Sanders or the skyrocketing membership numbers of the Democratic Socialists of America. It's become increasingly clear to women that capitalism isn't working for us, and Ghodsee is the informed, lively guide who can show us the way forward.

A collection of essays by America's most prominent anarchist, feminist, and critic of both capitalism and communism, who was imprisoned and deported for opposing the First World War. Includes "Anarchy Defended by Anarchists", "The Tragedy of Women's Emancipation", "Anarchism: What It Really Stands For", "The Psychology of Political Violence", "Patriotism: A Menace to Liberty", "Speech Against Conscription And War", "There Is No Communism In Russia", and "The Individual, Society, And The State".

This volume brings together the key theoretical and historical writings of 19th-century German socialist thought. It includes: Marx and Engels from The Communist Manifesto; Engels, "The Labor Associations in the 1860s," and "Women and Socialism and Anti-Semitism and Social Democracy;" plus many others.

For many Australian working men and women in the closing days of the nineteenth century, SOCIALISM IN OUR TIME was no mere slogan. The deepening economic depression cut living standards, increased class conflict and tested the newborn trade unions to breaking point. In this climate, the message of socialist agitators made sense of the experience of the most vulnerable: capitalism was doomed, socialism was not only inevitable, it was imminent. This is the story of a crucial time in the political history of Australia, told from the perspective of the agitators and their followers. By uncovering, state by state, the hitherto ignored faith and work of the 'tribunes of the people' and the organisations created by their working-class supporters, In Our Time challenges the accepted versions of the social and political ferment which gave rise to the labour movement and its parliamentary expression, the Labor parties.

First published in 1978, Feminism and Socialism in China explores the inter-relationship of feminism and socialism and the contribution of each towards the redefinition of the role and status of women in China. In her history of the women’s movement in China from the late nineteenth century onwards, Professor Croll provides an opportunity to study its construction, its ideological and structural development over a number of decades, and its often ambiguous relationship with a parallel movement to establish socialism.  Based on a variety of material including eye witness accounts, the author examines a wide range of fundamental issues, including women’s class and oppression, the relation of women’s solidarity groups to class organisations, reproduction and the accommodation of domestic labour, women in the labour process, and the relationship between women’s participation in social production and their access to and control of political and economic resources.  The book includes excerpts from studies of village and communal life, documents of the women’s movement and interviews with members of the movement.

First published in 1978, Feminism and Socialism in China explores the inter-relationship of feminism and socialism and the contribution of each towards the redefinition of the role and status of women in China. In her history of the women’s movement in China from the late nineteenth century onwards, Professor Croll provides an opportunity to study its construction, its ideological and structural development over a number of decades, and its often ambiguous relationship with a parallel movement to establish socialism.  Based on a variety of material including eye witness accounts, the author examines a wide range of fundamental issues, including women’s class and oppression, the relation of women’s solidarity groups to class organisations, reproduction and the accommodation of domestic labour, women in the labour process, and the relationship between women’s participation in social production and their access to and control of political and economic resources.  The book includes excerpts from studies of village and communal life, documents of the women’s movement and interviews with members of the movement.

In this analysis of three generations of women in a Chinese silk factory, Lisa Rofel brilliantly interweaves the intimate details of her observations with a broad-ranging critique of the meaning of modernity in a postmodern age.The author based her study at a silk factory in the city of Hangzhou in eastern China. She compares the lives of three generations of women workers: those who entered the factory right around the Communist revolution in 1949, those who were youths during the Cultural Revolution of the 1970s, and those who have come of age in the Deng era. Exploring attitudes toward work, marriage, society, and culture, she convincingly connects the changing meanings of the modern in official discourse to the stories women tell about themselves and what they make of their lives.One of the first studies to take up theoretically sophisticated issues about gender, modernity, and power based on a solid ethnographic ground, this much-needed cross-generational study will be a model for future anthropological work around the world.

For many Australian working men and women in the closing days of the nineteenth century, SOCIALISM IN OUR TIME was no mere slogan. The deepening economic depression cut living standards, increased class conflict and tested the newborn trade unions to breaking point. In this climate, the message of socialist agitators made sense of the experience of the most vulnerable: capitalism was doomed, socialism was not only inevitable, it was imminent. This is the story of a crucial time in the political history of Australia, told from the perspective of the agitators and their followers. By uncovering, state by state, the hitherto ignored faith and work of the 'tribunes of the people' and the organisations created by their working-class supporters, In Our Time challenges the accepted versions of the social and political ferment which gave rise to the labour movement and its parliamentary expression, the Labor parties.

When the Bolsheviks came to power in 1917, they believed that under socialism the family would "wither-away." They envisioned a society in which communal dining halls, daycare centers, and public laundries would replace the unpaid labor of women in the home. Yet by 1936 legislation designed to liberate women from their legal and economic dependence had given way to increasingly conservative solutions aimed at strengthening traditional family ties and women's reproductive role. This book explains the reversal, focusing on how women, peasants, and orphans responded to Bolshevik attempts to remake the family, and how their opinions and experiences in turn were used by the state to meet its own needs.

With the collapse of state socialism, women in Eastern and Central Europe are now faced with more than the double burden of paid and domestic labor. Soaring unemployment is driving women out of the workplace, and nationalist ideologues are urging them to reassume their “primary responsibility”—to produce babies for the nation. Lack of childcare and attacks upon abortion rights are narrowing choices. Can these issues provide the catalyst for transforming the embryonic women’s groups into something like a mass women’s movement? Or will the current allergy to feminism prevail? Many women now claim to have suffered from “too much emancipation” under socialism, and are seeking what they see as new forms of freedom in femininity and maternity.Barbara Einhorn’s timely account of women’s position before and after the demise of state socialism in Eastern Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary shows how the issues of gender are today at the heart of potentially explosive processes of social and political transformation. Her book provides incisive sociological, economic and political analysis, along with perceptive commentary on the ways in which the changes in women’s daily lives are being represented in literature and in the media.

In October 1946, seven million more women than men lived in occupied Germany. In this study of unwed, divorced, widowed, and married women at work and at home across three political regimes, Elizabeth Heineman traces the transitions from early National Socialism through the war and on to the consolidation of democracy in the West and communism in the East.Based on thorough and extensive research in German national and regional archives as well as the archives of the U.S. occupying forces, this pathbreaking book argues that marital status can define women's position and experience as surely as race, gender, sexual orientation, and class. Heineman finds that, while the war made the experience of single women a dramatic one, state activity was equally important. As a result, West German women continued to be defined in large part by their marital status. In contrast, by the time of reunification marital status had become far less significant in the lives of East German women.In one broad, comprehensive sweep, Elizabeth Heineman compares prewar and postwar, East and West, lived experience and public policy. Her sharp analytical insights will enrich our understanding of the history of women in modern Germany and the role of marital status in twentieth-century life worldwide.

This book vividly evokes radical women’s integral roles within France’s revolutionary civil war known as the Paris Commune. It demonstrates the breadth, depth, and impact of communard feminist socialisms far beyond the 1871 insurrection. Examining the period from the early 1860s through that century’s end, Carolyn J. Eichner investigates how radical women developed critiques of gender, class, and religious hierarchies in the immediate pre-Commune era, how these ideologies emerged as a plurality of feminist socialisms within the revolution, and how these varied politics subsequently affected fin-de-siècle gender and class relations. She focuses on three distinctly dissimilar revolutionary women leaders who exemplify multiple competing and complementary feminist socialisms: Andre Leo, Elisabeth Dmitrieff, and Paule Mink. Leo theorized and educated through journalism and fiction, Dmitrieff organized institutional power for working-class women, and Mink agitated crowds to create an egalitarian socialist world. Each woman forged her own path to gender equality and social justice.

Hitler had declared: 'National Socialism will be an exclusively male revolution', while his cynical spin doctor Goebbels attempted to justify the exclusion of women from politics and public life by declaring that they were being denied an active role in the administration so that their 'essential dignity be restored'. Nevertheless, German women were active participants in the dictatorship, some proving to be as brutal and merciless as their male counterparts.

During the 1980s, capitalism triumphantly secured its global reach, anti-communist ideologies hammered home socialism's inherent failure, the New Left increasingly moved into the professional middle class--and many of feminism's earlier priorities were marginalized. "Identity politics", often formulated in terms of social reconstructionism or multiculturalism, has increasingly suppressed materialist feminism's systematic perspective, replacing it with discourse analysis or cultural politics. Materialist Feminism: A Reader argues against the retreat to multiculturalism for keeping invisible the material links among the explosion of meaning-making practices in highly industrialized social sectors, the exploitation of women's labor, and the appropriation of women's bodies that continues to undergird the scramble for profits and state power in multinational capitalism.

A collection of essay, addresses, and magazine articles by the early-twentieth-century attorney and activist illuminate her militant views on feminism, suffrage, pacifism, and socialism

The selections of criticism in this anthology reveal the social, cultural, and economic contexts of the writings of Tillie Olsen. The essays link Olsen with socialism, feminism, and the American literary tradition, and show the potential for activism cultivated in her early years. They reflect her concern with women and children, and explore her belief in the power of the written and spoken word. The volume also serves as a companion to other full-length studies of Olsen.Tillie Olsen grew up in a Socialist, secular Jewish immigrant working-class home in the American midwest, and became one of the most striking writers of the twentieth century. The selections of criticism in this anthology survey the reception of her work over the past sixty years and clarify the social, cultural, and economic contexts of her writings. The volume includes selections of the most important criticism of her work, along with original contributions.The essays in this book are grouped in three sections, which correspond with different stages in the development of Olsen's life and art. The selections demonstrate the potential for social activism cultivated in her upbringing, her development as a young writer in the mid-1930s California Marxian milieu, and her maturation after years of balancing the responsibilities of childrearing and employment outside the home. The pieces link her with traditional American literary figures, and relate her to socialist feminist literary tradition and the Jewish American tradition as well. An important introduction to her work, the volume is also a companion to other studies.