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This history traces the role, identity, function and significance of the English aristocracy from the Restoration to World War I. The book answers one of the most intriguing historical questions of modern times - how was it possible for a landed aristocracy with a rural power base to maintain its political and social position in the first industrialized nation? This new edition contains a full, up-to-date bibliography.

This book provides the first rounded account of the new and highly influential ruling elite of England in the century after the Norman conquest of 1066, in which the old English aristocracy was swept aside. It focuses on four main themes: land (the transfer of land to the aristocracy, and the organization of the great estates), power (the nature of power and its vitality), politics (the aims and strategies of the nobles), and society (kinship, the role of women, and piety).

In this brilliant, controversial, and profoundly original book, Benjamin R. Barber fundamentally alters the terms of the current debate over the value of opportunity in American education, politics, and culture.Barber argues that the fashionable rallying cries of cultural literacy and political correctness completely miss the point of what is wrong with our society. While we fret about "the closing of the American mind" we utterly ignore the closing of American schools. While we worry about Japanese technology, we fail to tap the more fundamental ideological resources on which our country was founded. As Barber argues, the future of America lies not in competition but in education. Education in America can and must embrace both democracy and excellence.Barber demonstrates persuasively that our national story has always comprised an intermingling of diverse, contradictory, often subversive voices. Multiculturalism has, from the very start, defined America. From his gripping portrait of America poised on the brink of unprecedented change, Barber offers a daringly original program for effecting change: for teaching democracy depends not only on the preeminence of education but on a resurgence of true community service.A ringing challenge to the complacency, cynicism, and muddled thinking of our time that will change the way you feel about being an American citizen.

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Since time immemorial Europe had been dominated by nobles and nobilities. In the eighteenth century their power seemed better entrenched than ever. But in 1790 the French revolutionaries made a determined attempt to abolish nobility entirely. "Aristocracy" became the term for everything they were against, and the nobility of France, so recently the most dazzling and sophisticated elite in the European world, found itself persecuted in ways that horrified counterparts in other countries. Aristocracy and its Enemies traces the roots of the attack on nobility at this time, looking at intellectual developments over the preceding centuries, in particular the impact of the American Revolution. It traces the steps by which French nobles were disempowered and persecuted, a period during which large numbers fled the country and many perished or were imprisoned. In the end abolition of the aristocracy proved impossible, and nobles recovered much of their property. Napoleon set out to reconcile the remnants of the old nobility to the consequences of revolution, and created a titled elite of his own. After his fall the restored Bourbons offered renewed recognition to all forms of nobility. But nineteenth century French nobles were a group transformed and traumatized by the revolutionary experience, and they never recovered their old hegemony and privileges. As William Doyle shows, if the revolutionaries failed in their attempt to abolish nobility, they nevertheless began the longer term process of aristocratic decline that has marked the last two centuries.

In this tour de force essay, Hans-Hermann Hoppe turns the standard account of historical governmental progress on its head. While the state is an evil in all its forms, monarchy is, in many ways, far less pernicious than democracy. Hoppe shows the evolution of government away from aristocracy, through monarchy, and toward the corruption and irresponsibility of democracy to have been identical with the growth of the leviathan state. There is hope for liberty, as Hoppe explains, but it lies not in reversing these steps, but rather through secession and decentralization. This pocket-sized, eye-opening pamphlet is ideal for tabling, conferences, or sharing with friends. It can revolutionize the way a reader sees society and the state.

This book provides the first rounded account of the new and highly influential ruling elite of England in the century after the Norman conquest of 1066, in which the old English aristocracy was swept aside. It focuses on four main themes: land (the transfer of land to the aristocracy, and the organization of the great estates), power (the nature of power and its vitality), politics (the aims and strategies of the nobles), and society (kinship, the role of women, and piety).

This volume examines the nature of aristocratic society in the Spanish kingdoms of León and Castile in the twelfth century. Drawing on an extensive range of original sources, many of them unpublished, it highlights the unrivaled wealth, status and power enjoyed by some members of the aristocracy. It also explores the multifarious roles that lay magnates were expected to fulfill: as family protectors, landlords and judges; as courtiers, diplomats and military commanders; and, not least, as patrons of the church.

In this timely, witty, and readable account, Barber emphatically shows that education must emphasize democracy as much as it does the pursuit of excellence. With such an education, young Americans will gain nothing less than an apprenticeship in liberty-one grounded in a renewed commitment to community service-an idea that Barber put into practice at Rutgers University, and one which President Clinton has embraced as the key to a revitalized America.

Lieven (Russian politics and history and political science, London School of Economics) uses English, Russian, German, and French sources to examine the lifestyles and political roles of the English, Russian, and German aristocracies from the defeat of Napoleon to the outbreak of the First World War. Annotation copyright Book News, Inc. Portland, Or.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

Ancien livre de bibliothèque. Légères traces d'usure sur la couverture. Salissures sur la tranche. Edition 1985. Editeur différent. Ammareal reverse jusqu'à 15% du prix net de cet article à des organisations caritatives. ENGLISH DESCRIPTION Book Condition: Used, Good. Former library book. Slight signs of wear on the cover. Stains on the edge. Edition 1985. Different publisher. Ammareal gives back up to 15% of this item's net price to charity organizations.

Lieven (Russian politics and history and political science, London School of Economics) uses English, Russian, German, and French sources to examine the lifestyles and political roles of the English, Russian, and German aristocracies from the defeat of Napoleon to the outbreak of the First World War. Annotation copyright Book News, Inc. Portland, Or.

Book by Harper, Margaret Mills

In ‘An Aristocracy of Exalted Spirits’, the first book-length study of John Henry Newman’s Tamworth Reading Room, David P: Delio offers a new framework for understanding this highly original work of satire, politics, and theology. In February 1841 John Henry Newman responded in The Times of London to an address given by the leading Conservative politician, Sir Robert Peel, who was to become prime minister of the United Kingdom for a second time later that year. Newman assumed the penname Catholicus and composed seven letters woven together by theological and philosophical themes. These themes coalesced into Newman’s ‘idea’ of the Church which contested an errant view, argued by Peel and others, that science and education divorced from the Church provided an alternate means to human fulfillment. This original study traces the intertwined histories of Peel and Newman and the background and consequences of the letters, while showing how Newman’s ecclesiology was at the heart of his project. The drama surrounding the Tamworth Reading Room helps to complete a picture of the Church and of a Christian trying to negotiate an emerging democratic, scientific, and industrial nineteenth century. This story is still with us today over fifty years from the Second Vatican Council, forty from Lausanne, through the Lambeth Conferences and other ecclesial movements. A return to the Tamworth Reading Room, an oft forgotten work, may help the Church negotiate the perils and promise of the third millennium.

Paperback. A fascinating and important history of meritocracy, and a Times book of the yearMeritocracy- the idea that people should be advanced according to their talents rather than their status at birth. For much of history this was a revolutionary thought, but by the end of the twentieth century it had become the world's ruling ideology. How did this happen, and why is meritocracy now under attack from both right and left?Adrian Wooldridge traces the history of meritocracy forged by the politicians and officials who introduced the revolutionary principle of open competition, the psychologists who devised methods for measuring natural mental abilities and the educationalists who built ladders of educational opportunity. He looks outside western cultures and shows what transformative effects it has had everywhere it has been adopted, especially once women were brought into the meritocractic system.Wooldridge also shows how meritocracy has now become corrupted and argues that the recent stalling of social mobility is the result of failure to complete the meritocratic revolution. Rather than abandoning meritocracy, he says, we should call for its renewal. Shipping may be from multiple locations in the US or from the UK, depending on stock availability.

Since time immemorial Europe had been dominated by nobles and nobilities. In the eighteenth century their power seemed better entrenched than ever. But in 1790 the French revolutionaries made a determined attempt to abolish nobility entirely. "Aristocracy" became the term for everything they were against, and the nobility of France, so recently the most dazzling and sophisticated elite in the European world, found itself persecuted in ways that horrified counterparts in other countries. Aristocracy and its Enemies traces the roots of the attack on nobility at this time, looking at intellectual developments over the preceding centuries, in particular the impact of the American Revolution. It traces the steps by which French nobles were disempowered and persecuted, a period during which large numbers fled the country and many perished or were imprisoned. In the end abolition of the aristocracy proved impossible, and nobles recovered much of their property. Napoleon set out to reconcile the remnants of the old nobility to the consequences of revolution, and created a titled elite of his own. After his fall the restored Bourbons offered renewed recognition to all forms of nobility. But nineteenth century French nobles were a group transformed and traumatized by the revolutionary experience, and they never recovered their old hegemony and privileges. As William Doyle shows, if the revolutionaries failed in their attempt to abolish nobility, they nevertheless began the longer term process of aristocratic decline that has marked the last two centuries.

This volume examines the nature of aristocratic society in the Spanish kingdoms of León and Castile in the twelfth century. Drawing on an extensive range of original sources, many of them unpublished, it highlights the unrivaled wealth, status and power enjoyed by some members of the aristocracy. It also explores the multifarious roles that lay magnates were expected to fulfill: as family protectors, landlords and judges; as courtiers, diplomats and military commanders; and, not least, as patrons of the church.

Sir Peregrine Worsthorne, one of Britain's most influential and respected political commentators, argues that Britain's aristocracy has contributed mightily to its stability and prosperity. And yet it is being politically written out of the national story, with the result that soon there will be no hereditary peers in the House of Lords. The disestablishment of the peerage will bring cheers to the lips of many, but in this passionately argued and highly original essay, Worsthorne argues that Britain once had an upper class which was the envy of the world, and which, crucially, had built-in authority and ancestral wisdom honed over three centuries.