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This clinically oriented text provides you with a comprehensive reference of cervical spine function, dysfunction, clinical syndromes, evaluation and management. You get guidelines on how to approach specific clinical syndromes related to the cervical spine from the standpoint of signs and syndromes, differential diagnosis, treatment, rehabilitation, referral and home care.

Kirk defines what he terms "the conservative mind" by examining the thoughts of many brilliant men, including Edmund Burke, James Fenimore Cooper, John Quincy Adams, Karl Marx, and others. 15 cassettes.

WARNING: This book may inform you, humor you, or enrage you. The Conservative's Handbook provides a conservative viewpoint on a wide range of issues: guns, global warming, drugs, partial birth abortion, education, political correctness, entrepreneurs, and the wisdom of Ronald Reagan. If, as some have said, conservatives are ruled by facts and liberals by emotions, one would be hard-pressed to find a better illustration of the aphorism than popular radio talk-show host Phil Valentine's The Conservative's Handbook: Defining the Right Position on Issues from A to Z. The Conservative's Handbook provides a conservative viewpoint on a wide range of issues and ideas: Guns Global warming Drugs Partial birth abortion Education Political correctness Entrepreneurs And the wisdom of Ronald Reagan. The knowledge Valentine imparts is more than just information - it's ammunition for conservatives when they are caught up in discussions with friends and arguments with those on the Left. Many arguments between liberals and conservatives degenerate into name-calling and unsubstantiated claims. The Conservative's Handbook distills those raw emotions and extraneous thoughts into a cohesive argument for conservative principles and values, covering the full array of today's fiscal and social issues in a manner that is comprehensive without being overwhelming.

Conservatism, as a political movement, is familiar. Conservatism as a philosophy, however, remains obscure. Attaining its modern form in reaction ot the French Revolution, conservatism has been an intellectual - as well as amoral and political - force for two centuries. Gradually its ideas and arguments have acquired from and precision, and its principal luminaries have been identified. In his book of extracts, Roger Scruton - himself well known as an exponent of conservative philosophy - has gathered the principal arguments from the writings of the major intellectual conservatives from Edmund Burke to the present day. Designed for students of political science, and for all with an interest in social philosophy, the volume shows the remarkable coherence of modern conservatism and its effectiveness as an answer to both societies and liberal thinking. Roger Scruton's other Macmillan titles include "The Meaning of Conservatism", "A Dictionary of Political Thought" and "Untimely Tracts".

The Conservative Revolution in Germany, 1918-1932 is one the most comprehensive, most lasting, and most influential studies of the European Right--in particular, the fifteen years in Germany between the Armistice and Third Reich. This chaotic time witnessed a new type of right-wing thinking: traditionalist, yet oriented towards a new beginning . . . consciously nationalist (völkisch), yet civilizational in scope . . . born in the despair of defeat and humiliation, yet envisioning a triumphant new age. The Conservative Revolutionaries sought an "overthrow of an overthrow."Armin Mohler, who knew many of these figures personally, traces the development of this German ideal from Friedrich Nietzsche, Richard Wagner, Oswald Spengler, Thomas Mann, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt, and beyond. The Conservative Revolutionaries persistently thought against the grain. They stood in opposition both to Bolshevism and Anglo-American capitalism, as well as Hitler and the incipient National Socialist regime. They continue to offer a vital alternative to both Left and Right in the twenty-first century. Available in English for the first time, this edition includes new essays by Paul E. Gottfried and Alain de Benoist, who discuss the book's influence and contemporary relevance.

Since the 1980s, a ritualized opposition in legal thought between a conservative 'originalism' and a liberal 'living constitutionalism' has obscured the aggressively contested tradition committed to, and mobilization of arguments for, constitutional restoration and redemption within the broader postwar American conservative movement. Conservatives and the Constitution is the first history of the political and intellectual trajectory of this foundational tradition and mobilization. By looking at the deep stories told either by identity groups or about what conservatives took to be flashpoint topics in the postwar period, Ken I. Kersch seeks to capture the developmental and integrative nature of postwar constitutional conservatism, challenging conservatives and liberals alike to more clearly see and understand both themselves and their presumed political and constitutional opposition. Conservatives and the Constitution makes a unique contribution to our understanding of modern American conservatism, and to the constitutional thought that has, in critical ways, informed and defined it.

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            First published in 1976, and revised in 1996, George H. Nash’s celebrated history of the postwar conservative intellectual movement has become the unquestioned standard in the field. This new edition, published in commemoration of the volume’s thirtieth anniversary, includes a new preface by Nash and will continue to instruct anyone interested in how today’s conservative movement was born.

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This clinically oriented text provides you with a comprehensive reference of cervical spine function, dysfunction, clinical syndromes, evaluation and management. You get guidelines on how to approach specific clinical syndromes related to the cervical spine from the standpoint of signs and syndromes, differential diagnosis, treatment, rehabilitation, referral and home care.

The triumph of the conservative movement in reshaping American politics is one of the great untold stories of the past fifty years. At the end of World War II, hardly anyone in public life would admit to being a conservative, but as Lee Edwards shows in this magisterial work, in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, a small group of committed men and women began to chip away at the liberal colossus, and their descendants would scale the ramparts of power in the 1980s and 1990s. Not even the fall of Newt Gingrich has changed the indisputable fact that the movement has truly rewritten the rules of American political life, and the republic will never be the same. Edwards tells the stories of how conservatives built a movement from the ground up by starting magazines, by building grass-roots organizations, and by seizing control of the Republican party from those who espoused collaboration with the liberals and promised only to manage the welfare state more efficiently and not to dismantle it. But most of all he tells the story of four men, four leaders who put their personal stamp on this movement and helped to turn it into the most important political force in our country today: * Robert Taft, "Mr. Republican," the beacon of conservative principle during the lean Roosevelt and Truman years * Barry Goldwater, "Mr. Conservative," the flinty Westerner who inspired a new generation * Ronald Reagan, "Mr. President," the optimist whose core beliefs were sturdy enough to subdue an evil empire * Newt Gingrich, "Mr. Speaker," the fiery visionary who won a Congress but lost control of it By their example and vision, these men brought intellectual and ideological stability to an often fractions conservative movement and held the high ground against the pragmatists who would compromise conservative principles for transitory political advantage.

Acclaimed after the Second World War as England's greatest historian, Sir Lewis Namier was an eastern European immigrant who came to idealise the English gentleman and enjoyed close friendship with leading figures of his day, including Winston Churchill. Today, Namier is associated with the belief that the thoughts and actions of elites matter most, and with a view of politics in which those who enter public life do so only in pursuit of personal and material advantage. This exaggerated view has made him a hero to social and political conservatives, and a demonic figure to the Left. Preoccupied by nationalism, empire, and human motivation, Namier also remains famous in academic circles for supposedly declaring that any reference to ideas in political discourse was nothing more than 'flapdoodle'. The first biography of Namier in over thirty years, this book is based on a vast range of sources, including rich new archival material.

NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLERFrom the Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist, an "astonishing" and "enthralling" (Booklist) new examination of how the Founders' belief in natural rights created a great American political tradition--"easily one of the best books on American Conservatism ever written" (Jonah Goldberg). For more than four decades, George F. Will has attempted to discern the principles of the Western political tradition and apply them to America's civic life. Today, the stakes could hardly be higher. Vital questions about the nature of man, of rights, of equality, of majority rule are bubbling just beneath the surface of daily events in America. The Founders' vision, articulated first in the Declaration of Independence and carried out in the Constitution, gave the new republic a framework for government unique in world history. Their beliefs in natural rights, limited government, religious freedom, and in human virtue and dignity ushered in two centuries of American prosperity. Now, as Will shows, conservatism is under threat--both from progressives and elements inside the Republican Party. America has become an administrative state, while destructive trends have overtaken family life and higher education. Semi-autonomous executive agencies wield essentially unaccountable power. Congress has failed in its duty to exercise its legislative powers. And the executive branch has slipped the Constitution's leash. In the intellectual battle between the vision of Founding Fathers like James Madison, who advanced the notion of natural rights that pre-exist government, and the progressivism advanced by Woodrow Wilson, the Founders have been losing. It's time to reverse America's political fortunes. Expansive, intellectually thrilling, and written with the erudite wit that has made Will beloved by millions of readers, The Conservative Sensibility is an extraordinary new book from one of America's most celebrated political writers.

At the beginning of the 1990s, conservative commentators have increasingly focused on the growing fragmentation of the American political and intellectual Right. From the early postwar years, when a small band of intellectual dissidents emerged in response to the Soviet threat, to the 1980s and the Reagan years, when the coalition of journalists, politicians, and lobbyists known as the New Right reached the height of its influence, the conservative movement has always been a complex, shifting set of ideologies and factions.In this revised and updated study, Paul Gottfried provides an insider's look at the factions and controversies, the personalities and ideologies, the rival journals and institutes. He presents the argument that the scope of this war on the Right has been misrepresented by journalists, who have been sympathetic to the moderates and have consistently downplayed the strength and intelligence of the paleoconservatives. A striking feature of the book is a detailed, well-informed exposition of the conservative foundations and think tanks - revealing who funds whom, and who controls whom - information that has never before appeared in print. Gottfried discusses the implications of the 1992 electoral campaign for the future of the Right: from paleocon Pat Buchanan's controversial bid for the Republican nomination to the migration of several leading neocons over to Democratic candidate Bill Clinton's camp. Certain to spark both attention and controversy, this book is required reading for anyone who wants to understand the complex conservative landscape and its prospects for the future.

This item is in overall good condition. Covers and dust jackets are intact but may have minor wear including slight curls or bends to corners as well as cosmetic blemishes including stickers. Pages are intact but may have minor highlighting/ writing. Binding is intact; however, spine may have slight wear overall. Digital codes may not be included and have not been tested to be redeemable and/or active. Minor shelf wear overall. Please note that all items are donated goods and are in used condition. Orders shipped Monday through Friday! Your purchase helps put people to work and learn life skills to reach their full potential. Orders shipped Monday through Friday. Your purchase helps put people to work and learn life skills to reach their full potential. Thank you!

Acclaimed after the Second World War as England's greatest historian, Sir Lewis Namier was an eastern European immigrant who came to idealise the English gentleman and enjoyed close friendship with leading figures of his day, including Winston Churchill. Today, Namier is associated with the belief that the thoughts and actions of elites matter most, and with a view of politics in which those who enter public life do so only in pursuit of personal and material advantage. This exaggerated view has made him a hero to social and political conservatives, and a demonic figure to the Left. Preoccupied by nationalism, empire, and human motivation, Namier also remains famous in academic circles for supposedly declaring that any reference to ideas in political discourse was nothing more than 'flapdoodle'. The first biography of Namier in over thirty years, this book is based on a vast range of sources, including rich new archival material.

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Conservative critics argue that modern political satire, in the age of The Daily Show, has a liberal bias. A quick review of the humor landscape shows that there are very few conservative political satirists, and using personal interviews with political humorists this book explains why. The book explores the history of satire, the comedy profession, and the nature of satire itself to examine why there is an ideological imbalance in political humor and it explores the consequences of this disparity. This book will appeal to Daily Show and Colbert fans, political junkies, and anyone interested in the intersection of politics and media.

Conservatives in Power: The Reagan Years, 1981-1989 explores the successes and limitations of the so-called Reagan Revolution, chronicling its legacy through subsequent presidencies.