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This latest volume in the Studies in Antisemitism Series looks at the interaction between nationalism and antisemitism in post-Napoleonic Europe. Using a framework of major historical events for the period 1815-1945, Shmuel Almog traces the radicalization of national ideology in these years and its relationship to the rise of political antisemitism. Nationalism in early nineteenth-century Europe developed originally as a liberal-democratic philosophy in opposition to existing political, social and economic structures. This coincided with a period of increasing integration of the Jewish minority into mainstream European life, particularly in economic spheres. By the 1870s, however, the continued growth of nationalist aspirations, increasingly allied to an imperialist, conservative and militaristic culture, led to a rise in discord between nations and a concomitant increase in the importance of national peculiarities. This was to have a profound effect on the Jewish communities in Europe, with the Jews being viewed as an alien and even dangerous force within the newly-created nation-states. The book argues that growing extremism in nationalist attitudes afforded a suitable ideological and social background for antisemitic activity, as manifested by calls for discriminatory legislation against Jews, the pogroms of Eastern Europe and, ultimately, the Nazi Holocaust. This analysis is substantiated and reinforced by a series of annotated documents and illustrations. This book is a clear account of the development of one of the key elements of antisemitic ideology in this important period of European history.

A New copy of "Nationalism: A Short History" by Liah Greenfeld. Ships directly from Textbooks.com

Mark Hewitson reassesses the relationship between politics and the nation during a crucial period in order to answer the question of when, how and why the process of unification began in Germany. He focuses on how the national question was articulated in the public sphere by the press, political writers and key political organizations.

Packed with a series of rich, illustrative examples, this exciting new textbook is the first to offer students a truly comprehensive AND engaging account of the vibrant topic of Nationalism.

In this book the author describes nationalism as one of the great political driving forces of the 19th and 20th centuries. He suggests that in the Third World today nationalism is what it was in Europe in the 19th century - the expression of a demand for political and social emancipation.

The proclamation of a "New World Order," hailed at the end of the cold war, coincided with an eruption of nationalism. The withering of the bipolar balance of power has created a vacuum that has been filled by a new tide of ethnic conflict in the former Soviet Union, the Balkans, Somalia, and elsewhere. Despite general recognition of this resurgent phenomenon, there is neither widespread awareness nor expert consensus on the meaning and origins of nationalism. The Nationalism Reader depicts the historical evolution of nationalist thought in the words of leading political actors and thinkers.But this anthology is more than merely a useful reference book. By classifying the questions of nationalism according to conflicting political perspectives, its introductory essay and organization show that liberalism, conservatism, and socialism oscillate between a universalist (or a semi-universalist) conception of human rights and nationalism. In this respect, the selection of texts presented here sheds new theoretical light on the study of nationalism, as well as presenting major European, American, and Third World contributions to nationalist thought.

Hungary's revolutionary crowd of 1848 was defeated in 1849, but crowds of other kinds and crowd politics remained central to Hungary as it fashioned itself over the next half-century. Nationalism and the Crowd in Liberal Hungary, 1848-1914, describes how the crowd's shifting cast of characters participated in the making of Hungary inside the increasingly troubled Austro-Hungarian empire.Audiences at theaters, fairs, statue raisings, and commemorations of national figures; political rallies; ethnic mobs; May Day celebrations; monarchical festivities; and finally war rallies all take up places in this history. Not only insurgent crowds, but festive ones as well have political and material goals, Freifeld finds. "Parading before a spectator crowd may have confirmed noble participants in their claims to be spokespersons of the nation, but the chastened crowd could also feel its presence was instrumental," she writes. "Even as the chastened crowd became an instrument to advance the elite's agenda by rallying support within the nation, it was never a slave to the leaders on the podium or simply manipulated by them, for it, too, demanded deference from its pageant masters." And hope for liberal nationalism, which Hungarian crowds carried from their experience of 1848, thus continued to confront the monarchy, its bureaucracy, and the gentry. The book is an imaginative contribution to the research in nationalism, liberalism, and the crowd, as well.

Unlike regionalism in architecture, which has been widely discussed in recent years, nationalism in architecture has not been so well explored and understood. However, the most powerful collective representation of a nation is through its architecture and how that architecture engages the global arena by expressing, defining and sometimes negating a sense of nation in order to participate in the international world. Bringing together case studies from Europe, North and South America, the Middle East, Africa, Asia and Australia, this book provides a truly global exploration of the relationship between architecture and nationalism, via the themes of regionalism and representation, various national building projects, ethnic and trans-national expression, national identities and histories of nationalist architecture and the philosophies and sociological studies of nationalism. It argues that nationalism needs to be trans-national as a notion to be critically understood and the geographical scope of the proposed volume reflects the continuing relevance of the topic within current architectural scholarship as an overarching notion. The interdisciplinary essays are coherently grouped together in three thematic sections: Revisiting Nationalism, Interpreting Nationalism and Questioning Nationalism. These chapters, offer vignettes of the protean appearances of nationalism across nations, and offer a basis of developing wider knowledge and critically situated understanding of the question, beyond a singular nation's limited bounds.

Nationalism and irony are two of the most significant developments of the Romantic period, yet they have not been linked in depth before now. This study shows how Romantic nationalism in Britain explored irony's potential as a powerful source of civic cohesion. The period's leading conservative voices, self-consciously non-English figures such as Edmund Burke, Walter Scott, and Thomas Carlyle, accentuated rather than disguised the anomalous character of Britain's identity, structure, and history. Their irony publicly fractured while upholding sentimental fictions of national wholeness. Britain's politics of deference, its reverence for tradition, and its celebration of productivity all became not only targets of irony but occasions for its development as a patriotic institution. This study offers a different view of both Romantic irony and Romantic nationalism: irony is examined as an outgrowth of commercial society and as a force that holds together center and periphery, superiors and subordinates, in the culture of nationalism.

Mark Hewitson reassesses the relationship between politics and the nation during a crucial period in order to answer the question of when, how and why the process of unification began in Germany. He focuses on how the national question was articulated in the public sphere by the press, political writers and key political organizations.

Hungary's revolutionary crowd of 1848 was defeated in 1849, but crowds of other kinds and crowd politics remained central to Hungary as it fashioned itself over the next half-century. Nationalism and the Crowd in Liberal Hungary, 1848-1914, describes how the crowd's shifting cast of characters participated in the making of Hungary inside the increasingly troubled Austro-Hungarian empire.Audiences at theaters, fairs, statue raisings, and commemorations of national figures; political rallies; ethnic mobs; May Day celebrations; monarchical festivities; and finally war rallies all take up places in this history. Not only insurgent crowds, but festive ones as well have political and material goals, Freifeld finds. "Parading before a spectator crowd may have confirmed noble participants in their claims to be spokespersons of the nation, but the chastened crowd could also feel its presence was instrumental," she writes. "Even as the chastened crowd became an instrument to advance the elite's agenda by rallying support within the nation, it was never a slave to the leaders on the podium or simply manipulated by them, for it, too, demanded deference from its pageant masters." And hope for liberal nationalism, which Hungarian crowds carried from their experience of 1848, thus continued to confront the monarchy, its bureaucracy, and the gentry. The book is an imaginative contribution to the research in nationalism, liberalism, and the crowd, as well.

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak has distinguished herself as one of the foremost scholars of contemporary literary and postcolonial theory and feminist thought. Known for her translation of Derrida’s On Grammatology and her groundbreaking essay, “Can the Subaltern Speak?,” Spivak has often focused on subaltern, marginalized women and the role of essentialism in feminist thought to unite women from divergent cultural backgrounds.  In Nationalism and the Imagination, Spivak expands upon her previous postcolonial scholarship, employing a cultural lens to examine the rhetorical underpinnings of the idea of the nation-state.            In this gripping and intellectually rigorous work, Spivak specifically analyzes the creation of Indian sovereignty in 1947 and the tone of Indian nationalism, bound up with class and religion, that arose in its wake. Spivak was five years old when independence was declared, and she vividly writes: “These are my earliest memories: Famine and blood on the streets.” As well, she recollects the songs and folklore stories that were prevalent at the time in order to examine the role of the mother tongue and the relationship between language and feelings of national identity. She concludes that nationalism colludes with the private sphere of the imagination in order to command the public sphere.             Originally given as an address at the University of Sofia in Bulgaria, Nationalism and the Imagination provides powerful insight into the historical narrative of India as well as compelling ideas that speak to nationalist concerns around the world. Also included in this book is the discussion with Spivak that followed the speech, making this an essential and informative work for scholars of post-colonialism.

Nationalism is a movement and a state of mind that brings together national identity, consciousness, and collectivities. It accomplished the great transformation from the old order to modernity; it placed imagination above production, distribution, and exchange; and it altered the nature of power over people and territories that shapes and directs the social and political world. A five-country study that spans five hundred years, this historically oriented work in sociology bids well to replace all previous works on the subject. The theme, simple yet complex, suggests that England was the front-runner, with its earliest sense of self-conscious nationalism and its pragmatic ways; it utilized existing institutions while transforming itself. The Americans followed, with no formed institutions to impede them. France, Germany, and Russia took the same, now marked, path, modifying nationalism in the process.Nationalism is based on empirical data in four languages―legal documents; period dictionaries; memoirs; correspondence; literary works; theological, political, and philosophical writings; biographies; statistics; and histories. Nowhere else is the complex interaction of structural, cultural, and psychological factors so thoroughly explained. Nowhere else are concepts like identity, anomie, and elites brought so refreshingly to life.

Massive changes have taken place in the way nations and nationalism are thought about. From being viewed enthusiastically by historians as a force for beneficial change before the First World War, today appeals to 'national' sentiment are viewed as far more complex and problematic. This book looks at how historians (and others, such as sociologists and political theorists) have explained the development, and enduring importance, of national identities from c.1850 to the present day. It compares and contrasts a wide range of different theories, and will be useful for anyone wanting to equip themselves with a theoretical understanding of why we live in nations, and why we invest them with such significance.

Mapping the post-Cold War political landscape, this text puts forward a critical reading of the term "post-Cold War" and what it implies, the changes in the world market economy and the strengthening of regional units.

Nationalism in Southeast Asia seeks a definition of nationalism through examining its role in the history of southeast Asia, a region rarely included in general books on the topic. By developing such a definition and testing it out, Tarling hopes at the same time to make a contribution to southeast Asian historiography and to limit its 'ghettoization'.Tarling considers the role of nationalism in the 'nation-building' of the post-colonial phase, and its relationship both with the democratic aspirations associated with the winning of independence and with the authoritarianism of the closing decades of the 20th century.

Britain is engaged in a life-and-death struggle between the forces of national identity and the anti-nationalist forces of globalism. This book focuses on proposals for the revolution so desperately needed to prevent the destruction of Britain. It starts with an overview of the current historical struggle between British nationalism and the forces of globalism. It then posits the totalitarian nature of globalism and points out that that ideology is best described as "fascist." The third chapter looks at race, the relation of race to Islam, how race and ethnic identity affect our lives and why their preservation is all important. This is followed by a discussion of the types of nationalism that dispense with the fundamental principles of race and ethnic group interest for the sake of 'popular appeal'. Another section deals with the policies required to save Britain, and the final chapter outlines the future hopes and dreams of a resurrected British nation.

For the last two centuries, nationalism has been a central feature of society and politics. Few ideologies can match its power and resonance and no other symbolic language has such worldwide appeal and resilience. However, nationalism is more than an ideological movement - it is also a form of public culture which draws on much older cultural and symbolic forms. This book provides a concise, accessible introduction to the concept of nationalism. It focuses on competing paradigms and theories of nations and nationalism, and analyses the subject in terms of ideology, theory and history. The approach is broadly comparative and interdisciplinary, with concrete examples and a time-scale stretching from the ancient world to the contemporary global age. The book concludes with an assessment of the prospects of nationalism and of the transcendence of nations and nation states. Anthony Smith's book will appeal to all those interested in this dynamic subject, including students and scholars of anthropology, sociology, history, politics and international relations.

Nationalism Reframed is a theoretically and historically informed study of nationalism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Rogers Brubaker develops an original account of the interlocking and opposed nationalisms of national minorities, the nationalizing states in which they live, and the external national homelands to which they are linked by external ties. He then analyzes contemporary nationalisms in historical and comparative perspective, tracing the parallels between the Eastern European nationalisms of today and those of the interwar period.

Originally published in 1937, Rudolf Rocker’s classic Nationalism and Culture is a detailed study of the intellectual development and cultural history of European nationalism. Tracing the evolution of religious and political systems and their relation to the authoritarian state, Rocker analyses concepts of ‘Nation’ as alleged communities of race, culture, language,and common interest.