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The 21st century might well be called the age of hatred. This is not because there is more violence in the world but because hatred has been transformed from a concept perceived to be a by-product of personal or collective violence into a discursive field.But what if longstanding antagonisms, especially those between social groups, turned out to involve desire rather than revulsion? The Ideology of Hatred develops a psychosocial framework for understanding this new phenomenon by interrogating unconscious mechanisms within national discourse. It opens new and timely venues for thinking about the paradoxes of love and hate while raising questions about social attachment and otherness. Is it possible that hatred operates by maintaining a safe closeness, enhancing the illusion of separateness as well as a sense of proximity at one and the same time? Could it be that love actually survives through the discourse of hatred as an invisible relation of attachment, necessary but unthinkable? A key term in the book is the “political unconscious,” a concept signifying the transformation of the unthinkable into a language that disavows the desire of and for the Other. Invoking this and other psychoanalytic concepts, the book proposes that at the heart of all national conflicts lies a riddle: the enigma of desire. The discourse of hatred works today as both a defense mechanism and as a political fantasy whose dream is to annihilate the Other of desire, that familial and different, threatening and intimate Other. Yet because love-in-hatred is denied but not erased, love can therefore also be reimagined. This suggests that untying and recognizing relations of intimacy and dependency can, under certain circumstances, change the discourse of hatred into relations of peace and even friendship.In addition to its strong theoretical component, the book is also based on extensive empirical research, especially into hate relations among Jews and between Jews and Palestinians in Israel.

When Ideology and Curriculum was first published in 1979 it was quickly established as a path breaking statement on the relationship between cultural and economic power in education. It has been translated into many languages including Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Portuguese, and Greek, and it has had a profound impact on the debates about education and democracy in many nations. Most recently, it has been named one of the 20 most influential volumes in the history of western education.

Exploring how the concept of the imagination is figured in some principal texts of English Romanticism, this book convincingly argues that this figuring is a deeply ideological activity which reveals important social and political investments. By attending to the textual figures of the imagination, the book sheds critical light not only on Romanticism but on the very workings of ideology.To demonstrate his thesis, the author undertakes critical re-readings of four major Romantic authors - Coleridge, Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats - and shows how the legacy of ideology and imagination is reflected in the novels of George Eliot. He shows that for each of these writers, the imagination is neither a faculty that can be presumed nor one idea among others; it is something that must be theorized and, in Coleridge's words, "instituted." Once instituted, Coleridge asserts, the imagination can address England's fundamental social antagonisms and help restore national unity. More pointedly, the institution of the imagination is the cornerstone of a "revolution in philosophy" that would prevent the importation of a more radical - and more French - political revolution.In the process of re-reading the Romantic tradition, the author undertakes a critical reconsideration of the articulations between Marxism and deconstruction, particularly as expressed in the work of Louis Althusser and Paul de Man.

There is no unified theory that can explain both voter choice and where choices come from. Hinich and Munger fill that gap with their model of political communication based on ideology. Rather than beginning with voters and diffuse, atomistic preferences, Hinich and Munger explore why large groups of voters share preference profiles, why they consider themselves "liberals" or "conservatives." The reasons, they argue, lie in the twin problems of communication and commitment that politicians face. Voters, overloaded with information, ignore specific platform positions. Parties and candidates therefore communicate through simple statements of goals, analogies, and by invoking political symbols. But politicians must also commit to pursuing the actions implied by these analogies and symbols. Commitment requires that ideologies be used consistently, particularly when it is not in the party's short-run interest. The model Hinich and Munger develop accounts for the choices of voters, the goals of politicians, and the interests of contributors. It is an important addition to political science and essential reading for all in that discipline. "Hinich and Munger's study of ideology and the theory of political choice is a pioneering effort to integrate ideology into formal political theory. It is a major step in directing attention toward the way in which ideology influences the nature of political choices." --Douglass C. North ". . . represents a significant contribution to the literature on elections, voting behavior, and social choice." --Policy Currents Melvin Hinich is Professor of Government, University of Texas. Michael C. Munger is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina.

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In recent years there has been an intensifying debate within the religious studies community about the validity of religion as an analytical category. In this book Fitzgerald sides with those who argue that the concept of religion itself should be abandoned. On the basis of his own research in India and Japan, and through a detailed analysis of the use of religion in a wide range of scholarly texts, the author maintains that the comparative study of religion is really a form of liberal ecumenical theology. By pretending to be a science, religion significantly distorts socio-cultural analysis. He suggest, however, that religious studies can be re-represented in a way which opens up new and productive theoretical connections with anthropology and cultural and literary studies.

Tom Cohen questions the way history, ideology and politics are invoked in contemporary cultural studies. Enlisting the work of three seminal figures in literary theory--Walter Benjamin, Paul de Man, and M. Bakhtin--Cohen argues for a new politics of memory that moves beyond what he sees as our current paralyzing preoccupation with the present, and also for a new approach to the reading and analysis of cultural texts that breaks with the mimetic premises of traditional criticism.

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This fifth volume of the 'International Yearbook of Political Behavior Research' is representative of the interdisciplinary orientation in the study of politics. Edited by a scholar of comparative politics, contains contributions by political scientists, anthropologists, a social psychologist, and a sociologist. CONTENTS: Ideology and Discontent (Apter) * Ideology as a Cultural System (Geertz) * National Loyalties of a Newly Independent Nation (Elder) * Ideology and Modernization: The Japanese Case (Scalapino) * Ideological Foundations of Egyptian-Arab Nationalism (Binder) * Democracy and Socialism: Ideologies of African Leaders (Andrain) * The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics (Converse) * America's Radical Right: Politics and Ideology (Wollfinger, Prewitt, & Rosenack) * The Age of Ideology: Persistent and Changing (Bendix)

Ideology and Desire in Renaissance Poetry calls for a reconsideration of Donne's poetry in the context of new historicist, psychoanalytic, and feminist work on the subject and subjectivity. Ronald Corthell argues that the combination of Donne's poetry and Donne criticism produces a discourse on literary subjectivity that underlies current debates on literature and ideology. Testing and supplementing recent historicist work on the "subject of power," the book extends the notion of the "subject of Donne" to include the speaking subject of Donne's texts, the reading subject, and the academic subject (Donne's poetry). This complex "subject of Donne" is treated as the site of an ideological struggle to represent Renaissance literary subjectivity, a struggle presented by debates between historicist theories of representation, psychoanalytic theories of identification, and feminist critiques of both.

Ideology and Change provides the first comprehensive record and analysis of the experience of leftist political movements, organizations, and trends in the English-speaking Caribbean.Perry Mars views the Left as a dynamic force that has made indelible contributions toward advancing democracy since the 1940s, and he here examines the contributions of leftist organizations at both theoretical and practical levels. He identifies their role in Caribbean political culture and processes, the problems they face, and the strategies they employ toward political change within a hazardous political and social environment.

Formally, the law is based solely on reasoned analysis, devoid of ideological biases or unconscious influences. Judges claim to act as umpires applying the rules, not making them. They frame their decisions as straightforward applications of an established set of legal doctrines, principles, and mandates to a given set of facts. As most legal scholars understand, however, the impression that the legal system projects is largely an illusion. As far back as 1881, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. made a similar claim, writing that "the felt necessities of the time, the prevalent moral and political theories, intuitions of public policy, avowed or unconscious, even the prejudices which judges share with their fellow-men, have a good deal more to do than the syllogism in determining the rules by which men should be governed." More than a century later, we are now much closer to understanding the mechanisms responsible for the gap between the formal face of the law and the actual forces shaping it. Over the last decade or so, political scientists and legal academics have begun studying the linkages between ideologies, on one hand, and legal principles and policy outcomes on the other. During that same period, mind scientists have turned to understanding the psychological sources of ideology. This book is the first to bring many of the world's experts on those topics together to examine the sometimes unsettling interactions between psychology, ideology, and law, and to better understand what, beyond and beneath the logic, animates the law.

Tom Cohen questions the way history, ideology and politics are invoked in contemporary cultural studies. Enlisting the work of three seminal figures in literary theory--Walter Benjamin, Paul de Man, and M. Bakhtin--Cohen argues for a new politics of memory that moves beyond what he sees as our current paralyzing preoccupation with the present, and also for a new approach to the reading and analysis of cultural texts that breaks with the mimetic premises of traditional criticism.

The book ascribes the late state of paralysis affecting dissent in America to the adoption of a peculiar gospel of divisiveness, which was promoted in the Eighties by importing from France the "theories" of philosopher Michel Foucault.

This book, after a discussion of ideology in its first part, attempts to answer the question of how Chinese Communist organization functions and why it is so successful. The second part analyzes the organization of the Party and government, emphasizing methods of command and administration. The third part looks at industrial organization and the problems of management and control, especially the continuing struggle between professionals and the politicians. The fourth part investigates the Chinese Communist methods of organizing their cities and villages.

David Hawke's Ideology is a refreshingly clear, even-handed overview of the broad subject of ideology. Hawkes considers all the various meanings and definitions, and traces the history of the debates surrounding ideology from Martin Luther through to modern approaches such as feminism and psychoanalysis. In his conclusion he considers whether, in the face of age of post-war capitalism and postmodernism is the ideology debate obsolete? This comprehensive, lucid volume will be essential reading for students of literary theory.

This major voice in French philosophy presents a classic study of how particular political and cultural ideas come to dominate society. Spanning the years 1964 to 1973, On Ideology contains the seminal text, “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatus” (1970), which revolutionized the concept of subject formation. In “Reply to John Lewis” (1972–73), Althusser addressed the criticisms of the English Marxist toward On Marx and Reading Capital. Also included are “Freud and Lacan” (1964) and “A Letter on Art in Reply to André Daspre” (1966).

For more than three decades Michael Apple has sought to uncover and articulate the connections among knowledge, teaching and power in education. Beginning with Ideology and Curriculum (1979), Apple moved to understand the relationship between and among the economy, political and cultural power in society on the one hand "and the ways in which education is thought about, organized and evaluated" on the other. This edited collection invites several of the world's leading education scholars to reflect on the relationships between education and power and the continued impact of Apple's scholarship. Like Apple's work itself, the essays will span a range of disciplines and inequalities; emancipatory educational practices; and the linkage between the economy and race, class and gender formation in relation to schools.