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By looking at the earliest Christian historians, Professor Trompf identifies and explores the logic of retribution that pervades their records of the past. He also analyzes the related, if oppositional, development of Christian and pagan history-writing.

By looking at the earliest Christian historians, Professor Trompf identifies and explores the logic of retribution that pervades their records of the past. He also analyzes the related, if oppositional, development of Christian and pagan history-writing.

This book clarifies the issue of the comfort women with a comprehensive discussion of the main points of contention, addressing Japan's wartime and postwar responsibility, patterns of military prostitution and sexual violence in Japan and other countries, retributive and restorative justice in ethics and law, the representation of victims' voices, the meaning of reconciliation, the role of national identity in reflecting the past, and Japan-Korea relations. International comparison of wartime military prostitution demonstrates the universality of wartime sexual abuse and patriarchal values, while leaving room for further research on the nature of coercion in Japan's administration of the comfort stations. Examination of a series of Japanese efforts at postwar compensation highlights the distinctive nature of the comfort women issue, embedded within patriarchal values in both Japanese and Korean societies. Japan's efforts at moral atonement to former comfort women through the Asian Women's Fund reveal the challenges of reflecting diverse voices of victims in official policy as well as suggesting prospects for meaningful popular participation in a national atonement project. The development of the women's rights movement raises legal and political challenges concerning how to redress past wrongdoing against women. And finally, the enormous impact of the comfort women issue on overall diplomatic relations between Japan and Korea exposes the deep and still simmering issue of colonialism and the asymmetric understanding of the colonial past held by the two countries. While only a beginning for further exploration of these topics, this book also points to their broader contemporary relevance beyond the issues of the comfort women and bilateral Japan-Korea relations.

Vigilante retribution remained widespread in rural and working class areas of the United States in the late 19th century. Pfeifer shows how only the transformation of the death penalty into an efficient, technocratic and highly racialized mechanism of retributive justice brought the practice to an end.

In the last two decades, the field of comparative genocide studies has produced an increasingly rich literature on the targeting of various groups for extermination and other atrocities, throughout history and around the contemporary world. However, the phenomenon of "genocides by the oppressed," that is, retributive genocidal actions carried out by subaltern actors, has received almost no attention. The prominence in such genocides of non-state actors, combined with the perceived moral ambiguities of retributive genocide that arise in analyzing genocidal acts "from below," have so far eluded serious investigation. Genocides by the Oppressed addresses this oversight, opening the subject of subaltern genocide for exploration by scholars of genocide, ethnic conflict, and human rights. Focusing on case studies of such genocide, the contributors explore its sociological, anthropological, psychological, symbolic, and normative dimensions.

In this fresh look at our justifications for punishment, Walker argues that the modern retributive theory of punishment has not solved the problems of the classical utilitarian approach, and has indeed created new ones of its own. Having researched these problems and discussed them with judges, magistrates, jurists, philosophers, and prisoners, he distinguishes rhetoric from hard reasoning and shows that attempts at intellectual compromises between utilitarians and retributivists do not stand up to close examination. The book also deals with aspects normally left to theologians, such as remorse and forgiveness, and with the humanitarian movement.

As new states in the former East bloc begin to reckon with their criminal pasts in the years following a revolutionary change of regimes, a basic pattern emerges: In those states where some form of retributive justice has been publicly enacted, there has generally been much less of a recourse to collective retributive violence. In Settling Accounts, John Borneman explores the attempts by these aspiring democratic states to invoke the principles of the "rule of law" as a means of achieving retributive justice, that is, convicting wrongdoers and restoring dignity to victims of moral injuries. Democratic regimes, Borneman maintains, require a strict form of accountability that holds leaders responsible for acts of criminality. This accountability is embodied in the principles of the rule of law, and retribution is at the moral center of these principles. Drawing from his ethnographic work in the former East Germany and with select comparisons to other East-Central European states, Borneman critically examines the construction of categories of criminality. He argues against the claims that economic growth, liberal democracy, or acts of reconciliation are adequate means to legitimate the transformed East bloc states. The cycles of violence in states lacking a system of retributive justice help to support this claim. Invocation of the principles of the rule of law must be seen as a chance for a more democratic, more accountable, and less violent world.

Many countries have attempted to transition to democracy following conflict or repression, but the basic meaning of transitional justice remains hotly contested. In this book, Colleen Murphy analyses transitional justice - showing how it is distinguished from retributive, corrective, and distributive justice - and outlines the ethical standards which societies attempting to democratize should follow. She argues that transitional justice involves the just pursuit of societal transformation. Such transformation requires political reconciliation, which in turn has a complex set of institutional and interpersonal requirements including the rule of law. She shows how societal transformation is also influenced by the moral claims of victims and the demands of perpetrators, and how justice processes can fail to be just by failing to foster this transformation or by not treating victims and perpetrators fairly. Her book will be accessible and enlightening for philosophers, political and social scientists, policy analysts, and legal and human rights scholars and activists.

In 1995, South Africa’s new government set up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, a lynchpin of the country’s journey forward from apartheid. In contrast to the Nuremberg Trials and other retributive responses to atrocities, the TRC’s emphasis on reconciliation marked a restorative approach to addressing human rights violations and their legacies. The hearings, headed by Bishop Desmond Tutu, began in spring of 1996.The commission was set up with three purposes: to investigate abuses, to assist victims with rehabilitation, and to consider perpetrators’ requests for amnesty. More than two decades after the first hearings, the TRC’s legacy remains mixed. Many families still do not know what became of their loved ones, and the commission came under legal challenges both from ex-president F. W. de Klerk and the African National Congress. Yet, the TRC fulfilled a vital role in the transition from apartheid to democracy, and has become a model for other countries.This latest addition to the Ohio Short Histories of Africa series is a trenchant look at the TRC’s entire, stunningly ambitious project. And as a longtime activist for justice in South Africa and a former commissioner of the TRC, Mary Ingouville Burton is uniquely positioned to write this complex story.

In the last two decades, the field of comparative genocide studies has produced an increasingly rich literature on the targeting of various groups for extermination and other atrocities, throughout history and around the contemporary world. However, the phenomenon of "genocides by the oppressed," that is, retributive genocidal actions carried out by subaltern actors, has received almost no attention. The prominence in such genocides of non-state actors, combined with the perceived moral ambiguities of retributive genocide that arise in analyzing genocidal acts "from below," have so far eluded serious investigation. Genocides by the Oppressed addresses this oversight, opening the subject of subaltern genocide for exploration by scholars of genocide, ethnic conflict, and human rights. Focusing on case studies of such genocide, the contributors explore its sociological, anthropological, psychological, symbolic, and normative dimensions.

From the Diggers seizing St. George Hill in 1649 to Hacktivists staging virtual sit-ins in the 21st century, from the retributive fantasies of Robin Hoods to those of gangsta rappers, culture has long been used as a political weapon.This expansive and carefully crafted reader brings together many of the classic texts that help to define culture as a tool of resistance. With illuminating introductions throughout, it presents a range of theoretical and historical writings that have influenced contemporary debate, providing tools for the reader’s own interventions. In these pages can be found the work of Karl Marx, Matthew Arnold, Antonio Gramsci, C.L.R. James, Bertolt Brecht, Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, Virginia Woolf, Mikhail Bakhtin, Stuart Hall, Christopher Hill, Janice Radway, Eric Hobsbawm, Abbie Hoffman, Mahatma Gandhi, Dick Hebdige, Hakim Bey, Raymond Williams, Robin Kelley, Tom Frank and more than a dozen others, including a number of new activists/authors published here for the first time.

The literature on capital punishment is voluminous. For nearly 250 years, scholars have discussed and debated such issues as its deterrent effect, or lack thereof; retributive and religious arguments; costs; administration, including miscarriages of justice and whether it is imposed in an arbitrary and discriminatory manner; and whether methods of execution are cruel and unusual.Conspicuously missing from this literature is the human element; the impact of capital punishment on the lives of those who are involved in the process by calamity, duty, or choice. Capital Punishment's Collateral Damage seeks to rectify that omission by allowing participants in this ritual of death to describe in their own words their role in the process and, especially, its effects on them. In this way, we can begin to understand the reach of capital punishment beyond just the victim and the perpetrator. We can begin to understand the collateral damage of capital punishment.

Many countries have attempted to transition to democracy following conflict or repression, but the basic meaning of transitional justice remains hotly contested. In this book, Colleen Murphy analyses transitional justice - showing how it is distinguished from retributive, corrective, and distributive justice - and outlines the ethical standards which societies attempting to democratize should follow. She argues that transitional justice involves the just pursuit of societal transformation. Such transformation requires political reconciliation, which in turn has a complex set of institutional and interpersonal requirements including the rule of law. She shows how societal transformation is also influenced by the moral claims of victims and the demands of perpetrators, and how justice processes can fail to be just by failing to foster this transformation or by not treating victims and perpetrators fairly. Her book will be accessible and enlightening for philosophers, political and social scientists, policy analysts, and legal and human rights scholars and activists.