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The 21st century might well be called the age of hatred. This is not because there is more violence in the world but because hatred has been transformed from a concept perceived to be a by-product of personal or collective violence into a discursive field.But what if longstanding antagonisms, especially those between social groups, turned out to involve desire rather than revulsion? The Ideology of Hatred develops a psychosocial framework for understanding this new phenomenon by interrogating unconscious mechanisms within national discourse. It opens new and timely venues for thinking about the paradoxes of love and hate while raising questions about social attachment and otherness. Is it possible that hatred operates by maintaining a safe closeness, enhancing the illusion of separateness as well as a sense of proximity at one and the same time? Could it be that love actually survives through the discourse of hatred as an invisible relation of attachment, necessary but unthinkable? A key term in the book is the “political unconscious,” a concept signifying the transformation of the unthinkable into a language that disavows the desire of and for the Other. Invoking this and other psychoanalytic concepts, the book proposes that at the heart of all national conflicts lies a riddle: the enigma of desire. The discourse of hatred works today as both a defense mechanism and as a political fantasy whose dream is to annihilate the Other of desire, that familial and different, threatening and intimate Other. Yet because love-in-hatred is denied but not erased, love can therefore also be reimagined. This suggests that untying and recognizing relations of intimacy and dependency can, under certain circumstances, change the discourse of hatred into relations of peace and even friendship.In addition to its strong theoretical component, the book is also based on extensive empirical research, especially into hate relations among Jews and between Jews and Palestinians in Israel.

When Ideology and Curriculum was first published in 1979 it was quickly established as a path breaking statement on the relationship between cultural and economic power in education. It has been translated into many languages including Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Portuguese, and Greek, and it has had a profound impact on the debates about education and democracy in many nations. Most recently, it has been named one of the 20 most influential volumes in the history of western education.

Exploring how the concept of the imagination is figured in some principal texts of English Romanticism, this book convincingly argues that this figuring is a deeply ideological activity which reveals important social and political investments. By attending to the textual figures of the imagination, the book sheds critical light not only on Romanticism but on the very workings of ideology.To demonstrate his thesis, the author undertakes critical re-readings of four major Romantic authors - Coleridge, Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats - and shows how the legacy of ideology and imagination is reflected in the novels of George Eliot. He shows that for each of these writers, the imagination is neither a faculty that can be presumed nor one idea among others; it is something that must be theorized and, in Coleridge's words, "instituted." Once instituted, Coleridge asserts, the imagination can address England's fundamental social antagonisms and help restore national unity. More pointedly, the institution of the imagination is the cornerstone of a "revolution in philosophy" that would prevent the importation of a more radical - and more French - political revolution.In the process of re-reading the Romantic tradition, the author undertakes a critical reconsideration of the articulations between Marxism and deconstruction, particularly as expressed in the work of Louis Althusser and Paul de Man.

There is no unified theory that can explain both voter choice and where choices come from. Hinich and Munger fill that gap with their model of political communication based on ideology. Rather than beginning with voters and diffuse, atomistic preferences, Hinich and Munger explore why large groups of voters share preference profiles, why they consider themselves "liberals" or "conservatives." The reasons, they argue, lie in the twin problems of communication and commitment that politicians face. Voters, overloaded with information, ignore specific platform positions. Parties and candidates therefore communicate through simple statements of goals, analogies, and by invoking political symbols. But politicians must also commit to pursuing the actions implied by these analogies and symbols. Commitment requires that ideologies be used consistently, particularly when it is not in the party's short-run interest. The model Hinich and Munger develop accounts for the choices of voters, the goals of politicians, and the interests of contributors. It is an important addition to political science and essential reading for all in that discipline. "Hinich and Munger's study of ideology and the theory of political choice is a pioneering effort to integrate ideology into formal political theory. It is a major step in directing attention toward the way in which ideology influences the nature of political choices." --Douglass C. North ". . . represents a significant contribution to the literature on elections, voting behavior, and social choice." --Policy Currents Melvin Hinich is Professor of Government, University of Texas. Michael C. Munger is Associate Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina.

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In recent years there has been an intensifying debate within the religious studies community about the validity of religion as an analytical category. In this book Fitzgerald sides with those who argue that the concept of religion itself should be abandoned. On the basis of his own research in India and Japan, and through a detailed analysis of the use of religion in a wide range of scholarly texts, the author maintains that the comparative study of religion is really a form of liberal ecumenical theology. By pretending to be a science, religion significantly distorts socio-cultural analysis. He suggest, however, that religious studies can be re-represented in a way which opens up new and productive theoretical connections with anthropology and cultural and literary studies.

Tom Cohen questions the way history, ideology and politics are invoked in contemporary cultural studies. Enlisting the work of three seminal figures in literary theory--Walter Benjamin, Paul de Man, and M. Bakhtin--Cohen argues for a new politics of memory that moves beyond what he sees as our current paralyzing preoccupation with the present, and also for a new approach to the reading and analysis of cultural texts that breaks with the mimetic premises of traditional criticism.

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This fifth volume of the 'International Yearbook of Political Behavior Research' is representative of the interdisciplinary orientation in the study of politics. Edited by a scholar of comparative politics, contains contributions by political scientists, anthropologists, a social psychologist, and a sociologist. CONTENTS: Ideology and Discontent (Apter) * Ideology as a Cultural System (Geertz) * National Loyalties of a Newly Independent Nation (Elder) * Ideology and Modernization: The Japanese Case (Scalapino) * Ideological Foundations of Egyptian-Arab Nationalism (Binder) * Democracy and Socialism: Ideologies of African Leaders (Andrain) * The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics (Converse) * America's Radical Right: Politics and Ideology (Wollfinger, Prewitt, & Rosenack) * The Age of Ideology: Persistent and Changing (Bendix)

Why the Holocaust happened in Germany is the subject of this stunning and disturbing exploration of the unique nature of German history and its culture of racism and anti-Semitism.

Jack Snyder's analysis of the attitudes of military planners in the years prior to the Great War offers new insight into the tragic miscalculations of that era and into their possible parallels in present-day war planning. By 1914, the European military powers had adopted offensive military strategies even though there was considerable evidence to support the notion that much greater advantage lay with defensive strategies. The author argues that organizational biases inherent in military strategists' attitudes make war more likely by encouraging offensive postures even when the motive is self-defense.Drawing on new historical evidence of the specific circumstances surrounding French, German, and Russian strategic policy, Snyder demonstrates that it is not only rational analysis that determines strategic doctrine, but also the attitudes of military planners. Snyder argues that the use of rational calculation often falls victim to the pursuit of organizational interests such as autonomy, prestige, growth, and wealth. Furthermore, efforts to justify the preferred policy bring biases into strategists' decisions―biases reflecting the influences of parochial interests and preconceptions, and those resulting from attempts to simplify unduly their analytical tasks.The frightening lesson here is that doctrines can be destabilizing even when weapons are not, because doctrine may be more responsive to the organizational needs of the military than to the implications of the prevailing weapons technology. By examining the historical failure of offensive doctrine, Jack Snyder makes a valuable contribution to the literature on the causes of war.

Ideologies of Identity in Adolescent Fiction examines the representation of selfhood in adolescent and children's fiction, using a Bakhtinian approach to subjectivity, language, and narrative. The ideological frames within which identities are formed are inextricably bound up with ideas about subjectivity, ideas which pervade and underpin adolescent fictions. Although the humanist subject has been systematically interrogated by recent philosophy and criticism, the question which lies at the heart of fiction for young people is not whether a coherent self exists but what kind of self it is and what are the conditions of its coming into being. Ideologies of Identity in Adolescent Fiction has a double focus: first, the images of selfhood that the fictions offer their readers, especially the interactions between selfhood, social and cultural forces, ideologies, and other selves; and second, the strategies used to structure narrative and to represent subjectivity and intersubjectivity.

Thomas Metcalf's fascinating study examines the ways the British sought to legitimate their rule over India. He demonstrates that the principles the British devised incorporated contradictory visions of India, yet together they made the authority of the Raj lawful. Students of modern India and the British Empire will find this book relevant and accessible.

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The book ascribes the late state of paralysis affecting dissent in America to the adoption of a peculiar gospel of divisiveness, which was promoted in the Eighties by importing from France the "theories" of philosopher Michel Foucault.

Ideologies play a crucial role in the way we understand and shape the political world. However, no one has been able to explain the nature of ideologies themselves. In this important new book, Freeden offers a ground-breaking approach to the subject. Drawing on the political experience of Britain, France, Germany, and the USA over the last two hundred years, the author provides an in-depth examination of all the key political ideologies: liberalism, conservatism, socialism, feminism, and green political thought.

"The last word about Islamic terrorism should not rest on emotions or accusations but on facts, texts, and related reality. This book firmly and courageously, without bias or prejudice, documents the roots of Islamic terrorism and the ideology that has generated it." Brother Rachid"An absolute eye-opener—especially for the people of the West who have much to learn from those who lived and renounced Islam." Raymond Ibrahim, Historian, Writer Author of The Al-Qaeda Reader"Brother Rachid, the most famous Arab apostate from Islam, draws on his Muslim background to explain jihad, the hatred of Jews and Christians, decapitation, and other acts of aggression." Dr. Daniel Pipes, Historian and Writer President of Middle East Forum"The Ideology behind Islamic Terrorism is a unique book that brings together the totality of Islam, Muslims, history and society. Read it." Dr. Bill Warner Writer and founder of the center of the study of political Islam "Brother Rachid’s book should be required reading for all our elected officials and all Americans — if we are going to have any chance of overcoming the jihad threat.” Robert Spencer, bestselling author of The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam (and the Crusades) and The History of Jihad From Muhammad to ISIS

Ideologies play a crucial role in the way we understand and shape the political world. However, no one has been able to explain the nature of ideologies themselves. In this important new book, Freeden offers a ground-breaking approach to the subject. Drawing on the political experience of Britain, France, Germany, and the USA over the last two hundred years, the author provides an in-depth examination of all the key political ideologies: liberalism, conservatism, socialism, feminism, and green political thought.